Kosovo's two opposition victory, questions of their co-existence

The two election winners in Kosovo are Albin Kurti and Vjosa Osmani. The first represents a historic opposition from the time the organisation “Vetevendosje” turned into political party and participated in the election

Albin Kurti is its authoritarian leader, popular in his battle against corruption, clear in his national-communist populism and suspicious in attitudes towards political killings in Kosovo and flirting with political Islam.

Albin Kurti's real success is the battle against corruption, and the confidence Albanians in Kosovo have that he has the authority to carry out this battle.

By trusting in his asceticism and the battles so far without compromise he has made in this area, many hope he will not fall into the ashes of Kosovo's heated corruption hearths, changing his stances.

During this campaign, he had some signs of humility and contempt with the old administration when Agim Bahtiri stood by in Mitrovica, the troubled mayor of the municipality, formerly part of Pacolli's party and Mimoza Kusari, a former minister of governments accused of corruption by Kurti himself. But hopefully there were signs of compromise for a little more votes.

Kurti is a well-educated, read leader and representative of a new generation of revolutionaries in Kosovo who faced parallel education by being self-educated. In a way, he grew up along with Kosovo's efforts to secede from Yugoslavia, and then become an independent state, even though he had never accepted the processes that were accomplished where he was not a protagonist.

He was one of the young people arrested in Serbia's prisons during bombings that had the destiny of getting out of them alive and then launched a radical move against international efforts for Kosovo's independence.

When NATO entered Kosovo, he never accepted it as liberation, but no doubt.

When independence was declared, he never accepted it as independence, but as dependence, contempting and the Kosovo flag. When talks with Serbia began, he never accepted it as a mutual recognition process, but as a regress.

Today he has the full weight of Kosovo's responsibilities and his responsibilities on his neck.

Serbia-Kosovo talks are the top of the US and the European Union and the urgent need Kosovo has to be recognised by its opponent. Haradinaj's politically miscalculated populism against US and EU efforts for a deal between them, through a 100% tax, and urban legends that Thaci and Vucic would exchange territory with the blessing of Trump, were a successful mud campaign, but that will now turn to face.

Albin Kurti is not one who respects Kosovo's borders. He has a dream and political programme to break them up and join Albania. I don't know any idiot in the world that you say I want Kosovo to join Albania and not ask that the northern Kosovo Serbs join Serbia. Not to say a bigger reaction.

At this point, the launch of the problem from joining Albania is a much more dangerous and bloody path than the launch of talks with international guarantees of mutual recognition, as the US and the EU agree to.

The US is the Deliverer of Kosovo and the advocate of its sovereignty, and efforts to see the United States as the invaders of Kosovo are dangerous.

Politically, Kurti is a typical Balkan authoritarian leader, a communist national who believes in the myth of the strong leader, a flirtist with political Islam more than with open society, a leader who moves and bends more gladly, before the grave of Izetbegovic in Sarajevo, rather than respecting Ibrahim Rugova with a flock of flowers in Pristina.

In an effort to imitate Enver Hoxha, he is often both Enver and Hodge.

He was ruthless towards critics within his party, dismissing them with a disgusting political trial by the party and leaving the annoying taste that has left us with any authoritarian Albanian leader from 1990 onward.

On the other hand, he has never had a reflection of political killings in Kosovo, even though he is not responsible for it, as in the majority they have made segments exiting the KLA.

But and having no responsibility for his party, he has never again made the case a case.

In this campaign alone, in an effort to ease reports with the LDK, he made a memorial to Ibrahim Rugova's former spokesman, Xhemajl Mustafa, killed in 2000 in Kosovo.

This is an indication of his flawed democratic culture and deformities that come to him from nationalism, which shows how he conceives of an opponent as someone who can even be thrown off and killed.

Today, he is Kosovo's elected prime minister and we should feel happy that Albanians in Kosovo voted in majority someone who believes that he fights corruption, the worst plague of Kosovo government. This is Albin Kurt's real success. His habits, will correct or add power and pay another price.

Vjosa Osmani is the next major winner of Kosovo, on behalf of the opposition Democratic League of Kosovo.

But Vjosa is not the winner in the name of the LDK, but the winner on behalf of the LDK change. Her victory, the rise she made to the LDK's sleeping votes, is a good lesson for any old historical opposition, which re-opens the new generation's path.

Vjosa increased LDK votes after leadership I The LDK, delegated the race to her, withdrawing as helpless to their burrow.

Vjosa's victory stemmed from the change of the opposition LDK and not from efforts to cling to the LDK stamp, as does our opposition in Albania, which continues to have worshipped Sali Berisha and sacrificed for the seat of Lulzim Basha and Monica.

Vjosa's victory is a lecture on how an opposition, however old, rises when it changes, and not when it is nailed to the chairman's armchair.

Vyosa also has a good university education, educated in the U.S., and has often reflected attitudes that indicate an open mind and an ambitious woman. The enthusiasm she raised within the LDK shows that the change worked, that Kosovo agreed to be led by a woman, and that the image of government can become loved and by the face of a woman.

Her possible coexistence with Albin Kurt is not of great security. There are two diametrically opposing parties -- one Western pro, the other skeptical and closed to the West, one democratic, one authoritarian, one right and centre, the other radical, one open to religious but secularistic freedoms, the other suspicious in relation to the federation, one of the democratic processes in the Balkans, established since 1989, that promoted and the democratic movement against communism in Albania, and the other, not public though Enver Hoxha.

But both are doomed to form a government change, as the people of Kosovo voted in. Albanians in Kosovo voted an opposition that changed, and an opposition that had long insisted on governing. Now the two opposition must try to co-govern, as no one has enough votes to govern alone.

If it works is a sign of the maturity of the state of Kosovo.

If the new choices don't work, they're the best medicine.