Kosovo is not Vetevendosje

Vetevendosje's eupforia after ranking first on the party's list of 0.7 per cent more than LDK has produced a climate of isolation for election winners on the path towards winning power. The triumphism demonstrating Albin Kurt's inauguration, and he himself, with 25.7 per cent of the vote (out of 27,49 in the previous elections), would be worth it if Albin had aspirations only to show that he is an important political factor in Kosovo, but not in the context of his expressed wish, to be Kosovo's prime minister.

From the way that Albin Kurti and Vetevendosje are experiencing the triumph of being at the top of the race list on 6 October, Albin Kurti and Vetevendosje are treating the LDK as election losers, and they almost have arguments against their visuality and rare statements coming out of their headquarters.

Isa Mustafa, the official LDK chairman, a few hours ago clarified that he will expect the final outcome of the elections and then decide what will be done to respect the will of the people, a typical attitude in similar situations.

This attitude will complicate their path to the coalition, for it has done otherwise.

Before establishing a stable coalition, leaders must work to create a climate of trust between the parties, between the electorate and the opinionators, while Vetevendosje is doing the opposite with the LDK.

Most comments addressed The LDK is full of poison, as if since these have received 40,000 votes, they are heroes, and others have to kneel.

In the meantime, in 2017, Vetevendosje has been 27.5 percent, nearly 2 percent more than this year. Under normal conditions, Vetevendosje has diminished and not increased, but the PDK's strong decline makes it the winner of elections, but not the power

And as the winner, she should behave modestly and responsibly. The real winner is the one who can build a long-term coalition, a climate of trust between the parties and create the sense of security that they are not working against each other.

Albin Kurti was not to separate Vjosa Osmani from his mouth since his first evening appearance on 6 October, saying that “Me and Vjosa Osmani have won”. He had to do this to be true and reliable, as he did not really gain power, but has just emerged first among the five parties.

To form a winning coalition, often stronger leaders than Albin, they have had to make major breaks.

Ibrahim Rugova had double Albin's votes in 2004, but made Prime Minister Haradinaj to secure the majority for president. Sali Berisha needed only one vote in 2009 in Albania and gave Ilir Meta 30 percent of his power, and so on.

The power to make a coalition government is a battle that requires maturity, but accountability, not Partisan and militants.

They only apply if you continue in the opposition, hoping that next time you grow older you get power alone.

Kosovo is not Vetevendosje, and if Vetevendosje will govern Kosovo, it must accept partners in the coalition, being obliged to make major compromises.

No compromises are only fought in opposition. In power, you must be stripped of the demagogia and the pestism of the populist symbols. Here, for example, was the timely withdrawal from the referendum for Albania's union with Kosovo, but it was so funny the idea of uniting the Academy of Sciences that it makes you laugh and cry when you think the election winner calls it an idea.

The truth is that power belongs to Vetevendosje and the LDK, one with 31 deputies, and the other with 30 deputies.

This is the people's verdict, and it is now up to him to waste only Albin Kurti and the immatureness of his partisans.