12 reasons why the PDK lost

The Democratic Party of Kosovo, in the October elections, was nailed as never before in the quieter and better electoral process throughout the history of the state. Despite the fact that the loss had been warned by field tests and measurements, few had believed that such a decline could occur, especially in parts of which the impression was that they were its bookies. It has received a little over 21 per cent of the vote, including the inert granting the ruling position, simply including the unstable voter who moves as soon as the party falls from power. A situation like this reminds you of the time when it faced the ruling LDK with Ibrahim Rugova at its helm. Remember the time when the Democratic Party of Kosovo was a seriously supported party in Skenderaj, Drenas, Shtime and Kacanik alone. You remember her darkest times. But what affected her fall?

1. The Long Stand in Power

The ruling position consumes every party. It's solid definition. Despite being listed as a fact, however, nothing begins and ends with it. It's a piece of a big picture that connects to its electoral fall. However, the analysis begins at this point. The long-standing party in government from abroad looks like a tired, exhausted and recurring organism. In the logic of developed states, with advanced democracy, rarely, a party rarely receives a fourth mandate. It is in the nature of a politically conscious citizen to seek change, as a political party spends much time in power.

2. Political bullying

The break-up of the Democratic League of Kosovo after its historic president's death, and deep political triumph in the 2007 and 2011 elections, directly exceeded the bullying in the structures of the Democratic Party of Kosovo. The then party leader was wrapped up with myth, while in its structure, confidence was installed that there is no competitive political force facing the party. Autocrylic was absurd because the structure blindly believed in the arbitrary decisions of one man. Highly sponsored the thought of the party's absolute power and infallibility of its leadership. This created a circumstance where opposition voices within the party were deaf and intellectuals and principled people opened up. This was a more than convenient terrain for showing up in suits some individuals, unskilled, harsh with the logic of medieval dungsmiths who took into their hands a lot within the party and the state. This situation produced servilism and silence. It produced the drowning of critical voice and the thought within the party took a shape, a line. He produced the first escapes from the dome they had originally believed in.

3. Poor Party Resources Management

The ruling Democratic Party of Kosovo initially produced euphoria over the possibility of political-economic progress, one that the citizen after the liberation had put in the face of needs. A large number of multiquality personalities were next to it in time. However, besides the abuse of political marketing before the elections, these human resources were never consulted. They were not used in a good sense of speech. Strong local figures were set up in their place, which in addition to previous combative activity rarely had any quality that responded to popular needs for well - being and development. From the public language to the bottom of the thought were total disappointment. The Democratic Party of Kosovo returned an old logic in time. The logic of Ahmet Zogu's government, which built a power based on the alliance of tribal dungacres, feudals and strong regional figures that obeyed, persecuted and removed the positive and intellectual element so small that Albania had then. There may have been some logic back then, but in new times it's totally meaningless that it sends a community to destruction. To avoid misconception, however, the term “persecution” here is treated symbolically and should be understood only with the bypass of the multilevel image from its ranks.

4. Fighting for Internal Vote

In election time, it is clear that people running for deputy mandate in the ranks of the Democratic Party are almost always oriented towards the domestic vote, bypassing the possibility of profiting from abroad. The exception only makes the time when the party was in opposition and had created a front towards electoral enlargement. With the coming to power, people who had influence in party structures were mostly run, and have been comfortable with this. With this logic, membership has been working on the inside, and very rarely far outside the party threshold. For this reason in the absolute majority of political gatherings, halls are filled with members and their family members. New figures, participating due to the programme plan, due to interest in party ideas and concepts, have been missing.

Realistically, orientation over taking the domestic vote and not organising for the benefit of the foreign vote has resulted in unprecedented political isolation. The Democratic Party of Kosovo has gradually closed down, losing interest in further growth. He was engaged in a whole different area than he was supposed to be. Candidates and the strong fought together without compromise, to the extent that they lost sight of the overall electoral goal. If possible, each of them would be cut down by the vote. Campaigns and engagement towards other parties were directed toward each other. The war between the same kind was one of the most negative and widespread phenomena within it. One of the most disturbing facts in this context is that even when on electoral lists found a person who had a level, prepared and perfectly reflected abroad, with the potential to bring in new voters, they were brutally fought from within, by individuals who through extortion, corruption, employment promises, and a range of other moral deformities were targeting the vote. In such an environment, it is difficult for people to endure.

5. Democratic Youth Venitation

Taking power, enjoying alignment as the first party, brought great fog to one of its main factors, the Democratic Youth, which was being transfigured every day. So great was her care that for years there was no election process, and with that the legitimate chairman. Her membership lists were outdated, unmodified and unfiltered. After 2010 its structures were hard to keep standing, there was no enthusiasm, no clear ideas for work. They were only engaged in political gatherings and marketing in times of choice. For years she did not even call for work, and on this occasion she was not heard, nor was she interested in hearing from the leadership. Youth, which at the country's level makes up the majority of the population, for a long time, did not have a moment when the party chairman, outside electoral campaigns sat down with them, listened to ideas and laid down certain problems that youth had at the level. There was a lack of conferences, seminars, debates to public opinions that could have been published at any possible portal.

Exhausted and unmotivated youth was used by powerful figures for inside voting rather than to impress the popular scale by which a new generation of voters would benefit. The decline of its structure also indicates that it gave in to pressure from other parties from social networks to participation in television debates where central figures were torn apart with and from political opponents. Kosovo's Democratic Youth for a time looked like a wounded, wrinkled and cowered by fear. Out of some decision-making, stripped of the opposition within the party, it somehow turned into a non-intangible mechanism for listing other young people. By mid - 2018, with the arrival of its new chairman, a positive organization and movement began, an evident vitality, but the wounds were already heavy, and they were streaming.

6. Errors, scandals, and corrupt relationships

The Republic of Kosovo, under the direction of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, has not provided a single example that can legally punish an important political figure because of legal violations or corrupt relatives. In this case, he has worn the most naive clothing possible in politics. Internationally developing countries and high democracy such as Austria, Italy, South Korea, and so on. Over the last decade, there have been cases of sanctioning individuals with high government positions for these reasons. The Republic of Kosovo is not. That's a funny mood.

The lack of judicial action against many individuals, of which an entire population doubts in their illegal activities, has created a rigid public perception, which the Democratic Party of Kosovo either protects or is subjected to by such a community or promotes in activities of that kind. The Republic of Kosovo is not a state of one hundred million people, not a hundred thousand square miles, so that people do not know each other. When they see a neighbor of their parties rich overnight, they normally assume his dirty work. If the state does not take legal action against such individuals, they rightly close the door to the ruling party. It is inexplicable how the party leadership, seeing this phenomenon, has thought it might be long at the top of the country. The Democratic Party of Kosovo has erred on this level. It's a public secret that many individuals from her bosom have abused power, so that I don't specifically count them as too much of any kind of activity. Actually, deep down, they've never been ideologically with the party, because otherwise they wouldn't have done all of this, but when the party, being in power, did not punish them, publicly denounced them and then threw the shutters behind them, then they were not even identified with them. The party leader never realized that their judicial persecution would bring sympathy to the people rather than to the electoralggress.

The surveillance scandal of several key figures inside it, also never found any reaction, any punishment, or even any public criticism. Little does matter what is discussed within its headship, what is conveyed to the public. A mass impression was given that this problem was overlooked and it is true that the party did not say much. At present, such a challenge is not met, only with their failure to run the next election. This does not clean up a political organization, nor does it influence voters for good. It's easy to say <x0 ...ratus should be treated by justice organs” and the same case never advances by the respective courts. If in the first case the error is individual, the efficiency of the justice system is collective guilt because there is no amnesty while you are in power.

7. The Senseless Thirst for Power

Being in power at all costs is one of the greatest mistakes it makes. What did the Democratic Party of Kosovo need to be in the past government? What He Needed PAN? Why was it part of a totally unnatural government in terms of the political programme, a government where the largest coalition party due to the prime minister's position, a government that has been broken up since the beginning, which is scandalised since the beginning with number of ministers and deputy ministers? What did the great party need to halve its competitive list of elections and leave out many of its important or promising figures to make room on this list of coalition allies? All of this created a public perception that the Democratic Party of Kosovo shamelessly loves power and forgives even its dignity for a bit of his own in governing the country. The people can easily condemn this thing, as they did afterward. Understanding that the opposition decline is a political catastrophe is one of the Democratic Party's biggest mistakes. The decline in opposition is not negative for a political party, but a normal development that later helps to reshuffle, reform and idea planning. In fact, none of this is done when you're in power, so after several mandates at the top of the country, the opposition decline in one form can be considered necessary, however, if a party is designed to live long.

8. Supposed reforms

The Democratic Party of Kosovo in its present form is a static party that has not moved from the country. Rockads, and senseless transfers mean everything but no reform. The politically consumed figures have been starting to set up their surrobes. It's the same logic of thought and the same form. It can't be understood as a change, inspection on the election list of two cultural or sports personalities. The new age on her lists does not make any big difference when the way she comes to the list is old. It is the same conservative approach that has shaken the foundations of the party early. The method to advance only in the event chemistry works with party leader or any important figure inside. There is little reflectional link that an individual may have outside the community.

Perhaps the first step towards real reform within the Democratic Party of Kosovo would be to reduce the dose of servilism and submission. Along with that is encouraging the opposite view as soon as possible.

9. Pristina underestimation

The leader of the Democratic Party since its founding has since somehow been handed over by the war for Pristina, has simply not believed in growth and victory there. Exceptives only make the 2007 elections, where she flirted with a win because of the general euphoria that was created at the time, as her country victory was expected. Since then he has been treated with a dose of seriousness as if it were a small village rather than the capital of the Republic. It's pointless how the warden has treated him differently all the time. Pristina is a guide for regions, provinces and other cities within the country. How can electoral stability be claimed in the contribution when on one side you are in power at the central level and in Pristina you are regularly the third party. Sooner or later, this reflects on other municipalities. It's got the first city for everything. Sooner or later he's affected by it.

Investment in the Pristina branch, from the central level, has been poor. For many years, the Pristina branch has not even had its own office. There have been even small municipalities, while Pristina's structure had no peak over its head. Time and again, the general centre was exploited, but the citizen is not headed to the party's general-level offices for local things. Of all of this, the exception was just a period of electoral campaigns where there was an environment for a month or two. Let's not talk about subs, even though each of its neighbourhoods has more inhabitants, and in this case, potential voters than many cities. Pristina should not have its own central branch office but also have facilities for its subs in very populated urban areas.

The head of the Pristina branch was almost not asked about anything. Local election candidates were brought in by other cities, and that is a great paradox. Opposition did not work, and the only explanatory argument was “knows the chief best”, and this is immediately connected to the second point within this analysis when it comes to political bullying and the oppression of the opposite thinking. Well, then why did the branch exist? To exist formally? Even those people who were under control and placed in prominent public positions did not go through the branch. It is understandable to some particular occasion because the way to draw a big personality cannot go from the submarine but not from turning to general practice as it was created. All these diminish the importance of the branch, its structures break down and their motive for work diminishes. When the party's top instances consider it insignificant and small to ask about basics, why should the citizen treat it as important and deal with the branch that had no office of his own?

10. Abandoning the National Colon

The Democratic Party has risen on the foundations of patriotism. It's political formation from the war. However, with the arrival of power, this corrosion has waned. The theories on which many are lined up are abandoned. It's not the respect of the values of war to hire soldiers in positions outside their domain, or to give illegal tenders to their circle. In fact, this has damaged them because their very valuable activity in war is depreciated. They actually hurt the Republic. Not to hurt feelings more than that, but that's the point.

During working in the assembly, long ago, the central figure of the Democratic Party of Kosovo addresses Albin Kurti with the words “go and protect the flag at Vladimir”. The most mistaken statement and that this cannot be found. First it's Quarcol and not Vdalmir. It's like telling someone to go to Urosevac and not Ferizaj, go to Srbica and not to Skenderaj. But that's nothing. disfellowshipped from an Albanian in Montenegro, born and raised in Kosovo, from political life and public engagement due to background outside borders, is absurdly complete. Not only have Montenegro's Albanians been affected here, who have given everything for science and culture and later for war, but Albanians from Presevo, from Northern Macedonia and Albania have also felt bad about it, because they have similar realities in Kosovo. This statement is not easily swallowed and is still mentioned by Albanians outside the border.

Those who are initially lined up with the Democratic Party of Kosovo have also hosted a major volcano, a non-competitive war, harsher reactions, by its central figures in the case of abuse of the veterans list. Again, a slight criticism, a cold technical response, no emotional emphasis on them. This does not coincide with the foundations of the party on which it was formed, etc.

11. Splitting and Disregarding diaspora

The immigration of Kosovo Albanians is the main mechanism that keeps the economy of thousands of houses within the country. Their influence is too high. This fact has been overlooked and very little was done in their approach, very little was done in informing or even organizing them. A large number of members of the Democratic Party of Kosovo have lived there, developed regular political activity and organised the first cells of resistance. Loss of interest for Albanians abroad is depressing, where everything has actually started in those countries. In recent elections, there was a massive mobilization by other parties to bring voters home, social networks were flooded with photographs of groups that were started from four parts of the world to support them. No photograph of people with the symbol or color of the Democratic Party of Kosovo. This shows that support for the party there is at minimum level. Because nothing was done in that direction. Sadly, this issue, the power and influence of the diaspora is understood as trivial. The key “within its leading figures has been the terrible struggle against each other in the election.

Twelve. To the end...

The Democratic Party of Kosovo, within itself, still has capable, just and patriotic people with full meaning of the word. With radical reform, all of these above, revealing the good element, correcting much inside, punishing extortioners, corrupts, and serviles, within a given period can turn the situation in favor. It takes time but with a clear will and plan, possibilities are always real. The Democratic Party of Kosovo returns powerful only when it acknowledges its mistakes, when it is clear of actions that almost ruined, when it creates a free environment, accepts opposing opinions and, above all, strengthens ideological principles. Disinstall as logic the approach and empowerment of people through the economic interest that has not rarely occurred in the past. Uninstall the phenomenon of subordination and servizilism. To create domain for free speech, criticism and opinion.

From me, from a man who never said the word “chief, because for a party “chief” must be his people and interests.

(Autor is former member of the Kosovo Democratic Party Steering Council and former vice president of the PDK branch in Pristina)