Macro vs. Salvin: Ideal War for Europe's Future

The first sign that Mateo Salvin was determined to declare war on Emmanuel Makron was noticed in June of this year, days after Italy's interior minister was appointed. Salvin, whose party, the League, wants to drastically reduce the number of migrants entering the country, suggested that a rescue ship registered in Germany, and which had 629 immigrants from Africa, would not be allowed to land in Sicily.

Makron reacted with disgust. The Italian government's” Policy is disgusting” -- a spokesman for his political movement said. Salvin retorted that if the French wanted to show their generosity, they would do well to keep their unmet commitment to feed and shelter some 100 thousand African immigrants, which Italy has accepted in each of the last few years.

This week, what seemed like a personal antipathy between two people emerged as a widespread battle for the hearts and minds of Europeans. When Libyan rebels attacked government positions in Tripoli, threatening agreements Italy has reached on Libya's coastal role to limit migrants from the coast of North Africa, Salvin declared before reporters:“After that someone is hiding! ”

Someone who started a war in 2011 who should never have started, someone who calls for elections, without consulting his allies and people on the ground, someone who tries to impose this issue by exporting democracy, which never works with”

Days earlier, Salvin had invited Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban to Italy to publish a manifesto. It was Orban, who encouraged Europe to strengthen security at its borders during the large land migration of hundreds of thousands of people from Syria, destroyed by war in 2015.

From a pizzeria in Milan, Orban singled out Salvin as my “and my lucky friend”. And he singled out Makron as his enemy. “There are two camps in Europe, and one is headed by Makron. He is in charge of political forces that support immigration. On the other hand, we want to stop illegal immigration”- Orban said.

Orban's right. Salvin's nationalism and Makron globalism are the two competitive visions of Europe's future. A year ago, it seemed the newly elected French president could inherit Angela Merkel's mantle as Europe's unifying. He wants to give a new spirit to a European Union, demoralised by Britain's departure.

It seemed possible that Donald Trump's dramatic episodes of this problem could completely discredit the cause of immigration control in Europe. But voters have not forgiven their leaders the way they managed the influx of immigrants in 2015. Governments that strongly defend the border have climbed to power in Italy, Austria and the Czech Republic, and former Trump Highway Steve Benon is now working to promote co-operation among nationalist movements, including Salvin, on the eve of elections for the European Parliament next May.

The EU Parliament has become a warm house for Euro-sceptics, and Salvin predicts a dominance of them in Brussels. And who can bring Makron against them? Even the European left is witnessing signs of questioning its commitment to open borders.

In Germany, Marxist Sara Vagenneht of the Left Party has begun setting up “Aufstheen”, a popular front intended to support working class voters, neglected by globalistic dogmas, including cheap and easy migration. The Social Democrats in Denmark have gathered after a tough plan to impose Danish language and values on immigrants. Their counterparts in Sweden, who accepted a quarter of a million immigrants over the next two years after 2015, have been holding asylum policies on the eve of this weekend's nationwide elections.

Salvin's starting to score. The coalition government his League formed with the Five Star Movement has won the loyalty of more than half of Italians, doubling the support of the League from 17 to 32 percent since this year's spring, and thus transforming it into Italy's most popular party.

Meanwhile, Makron had a bad summer. The trouble began with a scandal involving his 26-year-old bodyguard, Alexander Benala, who appears to have often preferred to abuse people who disagreed with his boss. At a May protest, Benala was taken with her mobile phone, with a police scan on her head (even though she is not a cop), dragging a protester to Place de la Contrescarpe.

Makron's wine ended with the dramatic resignation of charismatic Environment Minister Nicholas Hulo, who explained:” I don't want to lie to myself! Makron's popularity has dropped dramatically to over a year, and now it's only 34 percent. “

Salvin is capable of using the language. He has managed to retain humanity, giving it a criminal extent. He describes nongovernmental organisations that rescue immigrants in the open sea as linked to the same “businesses” with mafiosi who instruct refugees on land. “The migrants will not see Italy, except on some” card -- he promises.

Salvin has also faced more satisfaction with billionaire George Soros, accusing him of using his charity “to fill Italy and Europe with immigrants”. The attack on Hungary-born American billionaire is a rhetorical garrison Orban has long wanted, but what seemed to be a small limited problem in Hungary has a greater resonance when it enters the policy of one of the founding states of the EU.

The American incidents for the “intervention of other countries in the US election system invite the review of the situation from many Soros-led foundations, whose political activity abroad is subsidised (through tax cuts) by the American government.

Salvin's goal is to expose Makron as a politician who favours uncontrolled immigration. No European leader has the luxury to be seen as a weak politician, in the face of those who support hardline policies.

For example, Danish Prime Minister Lars Loque Rasmussen recently suggested that Europe attack “immigration concerns. But it won't work. The cause of the current wave of trans-Mediterranean immigration is not poverty or anything that is within the power of the EU to solve.

In recent analysis, it is population growth. Africa's population has nearly tripled since 1980, and will double again between 2050. As Europe's population wrinkles and shrinks for the next generation, the continent in its south will increase 1.25 billion young people.

There are already millions of potential immigrants gathered in the ports of Tripoli, Tunisia and Istanbul, ready to go to the first place to offer a sign of hospitality -- what European leaders gave in 2015. How Europeans will react to this demographic explosion, it will depend on it if they see it as greater hand flow to help, or mouths to feed.

Salvin has scored a series of nationalist arguments, which score scores in the polls. But global economy institutions remain powerful and convincing, and Makron speaks on behalf of

theirs in a much cooler way than it is possible to do in the U.S., Britain, or any country where the de-regulation agenda has ruled since the 1980s. After eight months, the EU parliamentary elections will show us which of these two paths will be inclined to follow Europeans.