Komshu N., Post and LDK bankruptcy

As suicides are growing in the country, along with Telekom's bankruptcy and LDK flirting with power, I remember our local neighbor N. However, from the personal experience of shopping with his brother in the tense summer of 2000, we had come out of large losers, even though we were refugees from the north, what arouses interest here is the time-changing trajector of neighbor N. As a man and as a political stand. As long as it can be called change.

Our friend N., was a political prisoner in 81. From second-hand sources, we found it to be six times operated on; its brother, the man we went shopping with, years later asked us on the street if we had anything bad from our brother “ ”. But these are of little importance here. Comrade N., he was an interesting guy. He didn't work, nor did he hide that he didn't want to work. “Kum work I've had enough”, neighbor N said, while his milk may have let you know that someone may owe it.

More than half a decade after 2000, there was no political arm that N hired. He swears to everyone. Muharrem Shabani was the former leader of the Vushtrried KK who, as judge in his 80s, had sentenced Albanians, and Sami Lushtaku, who as the grandson of neighbor N (not really grandson but with the Albanian quota, is enough to have someone who could sow expectations), doesn't even turn his head back to ask for the “father's uncle N”.

When he did not go wrong in 2006, it happened to be just these two people who would influence the employment of his two sons. The great ones at Lalmakos, thanks to Muharrem Shaban, and the second in the Post, thanks to Sami Lushtak. Both of them in high school were barely finished -- I would once shoot a witness when the big one didn't know what the line was. Although ) Llamkos has never maintained stability in production as investors were changed in range, and finally the big boy was out of work, the second remained in the Post all the time. With the irony of the boy's self-admission, we laughed at how in the mail there were not enough chairs for a mountain of workers, relatives, relatives or PDK and LDK militants who were being employed as a mob who taught the bus door.

Of course, it was already a bit different from the laugh of neighbor N., not just ironic or sarcastic. Even when she was like that, she was no longer with herself or the plight of her family. I can even say that it kind of looked like an excitement or fundiance, accompanied by a blanket from a broad deer opus, how you should get out of life. Political shortages like Sami Lushtaku's Muharrem Shaban, who once sʹbin from neighbor N's mouth, were, for the worse, already at his new record. Sami's Muharrem, they're out. Not because they were like that, but why the guys' Meskira employment deal with the neighbor was making changes: the new disk was being born from the old disk. Both employments had been linked to the beginnings of Vetevendosje movement -- that is, around 2006/7 -- whose activity and attitudes would be conveyed by a full silence of neighbour N., even though with the leader of this movement it shared fate from the former political prisoner, and then until a few months ago it broke out similar beliefs, if not political. He began not to mention even Ali Jonuzi, of whom there were only words of well - being and fascination.

The next two shots of neighbor N. were trying to provide some social assistance to his wife, who, always in line with both, “has grenade fluids in @trup”, as well as expansion around the terraces, which is to our yard. I don't know how they got the first one, but for the second try, neighbor N. From the first day of our arrival here was preparing the ground. Although our first day had been received by the horritism “po came along but was on my way to my brother”, neighbor N. would eventually try to sort of indirectly to resign from a part of our yard, to justify the need to have a garage for the time when they would buy a car. The family, property work was detecting neighbor N's activity as the best exposés not only of social change opportunities (made friends!) but also as potential examples of hostility under the non-resistence of modern social agencies.

The wake-up of microborgies (for me this punctuation has lost no weight or meaning) of neighbor N., although he did not thoroughly satisfy his stealthic motions (the releague in 2014 without managing to get our yard) today he knows wealth from a three-story house (the third floor is actually a space where Albanian “usually extracts a couple of rooms and ours is left on the first day, with little cosmical changes. The new house is so large that it has covered the entire courtyard to cover not only the old house where neighbor N., with his family, took decades but also to catch the sun in our home. So he went with our neighbor's life, to the front of the news about Telekom's bankruptcy, which means that now the second guy will be out of business. News that conceives the other news: the beginning of the marathon for the new division being again: O kin, thou nearest, O servile. This country's eternal Odyssead.

And isn't the entire Kosovar marathon, before and post-independence, a marriage between the administration as the spread of wounded political conjunctures and genders as a social and continued (over average) strategy in this country? All this dependent on the high-level subset of detecting human activity by family, property and work? I think so. LDK is the best example of what I just said. This opposition party today, it guards it, and sometimes proudly defends it. Where and how is that viewed? Very simple: in the gap and schizophrenic between speaking and acting of this party.

It's not at all random that even when it looks like bankruptcy in which the LDK may not have had a lot of hand or responsibilities; even when the major opposition party is divided and this logically would have to affect the cataract of opposition of the second opposition party; even when there is a government cabinet in front of it that söyd to go; even when domestic policy is scandalized by what appears to be the knee of the Magnists, the LDK does not influence, but continues to let us know that it is determined to prolong the lives of the commanders. People on board, coalitions in Pec.

It's about failure, and it wants administration. Not politics or direction, but some release of the order for policymaking. This is because experiencing power in them does not mean a need for diversity, but an expectation of failure. Waiting to come in line. We wait a little bit longer, and then we come up to”, while in terms of the VV it saves some kind of piemtonetic relate: it didn't happen for LDK to accept Kurt for prime minister! But it has been Haradinaj since 2004, compared to doing Hashim Thaci all that his heart has wanted!

Deputy N, it's been nowhere for two days. This may be due to the fact that the rockn of the working family sub-projects impact the dometic morality, the eating of the neighborhood more than the public, the opposition of the parliament. This is the town hall. N., it doesn't turn out he's got a boy out of work. And the town is hopeless to change this gravity. But ignorance starts when the public election starts and the delegate of this substrat. This is because it is implied that political representation in the country is in service of the inert confirmation of this sculpture. That's why, surprisingly, these N's I don't see them, but, LDK is still looking at it.