May 1st why is the workers' holiday in Kosovo under attack?

Tomorrow is May 1st International Workers' Day, which in Kosovo is traditionally held as a holiday and holiday day and not as a protest day. Nor is tomorrow expected to affect the tradition of this day, despite the planning of three different protests, one by the BSPK itself.

For a decade we had sparked a negative reaction to the annual holiday of workers and society. It was said that the workers should protest. This was said to be the case in most developed countries. But in fact, that's not entirely true.

The May 1 holiday or May Day is almost everywhere. The protests we see on television are organised by trade unions -- that is, by the workers themselves -- that express their frustrations and concrete demands. But the extent of the protests is incomparably smaller than the holiday and holiday measure which, of course, is not medically covered. But consider the protest. The workers' protest is not an event or happened completely pure and unreceptive. Rather, it is essentially a company that powers a part of society, conveys its messages to the detriment of other parts. I overdetermine a reputation for many others. Marks urged the workers of the entire world to unite. But such a call in today's conditions is not naive. Today's job market gives greater emphasis on when the uneven distribution of printing and privileges at various jobs. Moreover, we have a huge increase in temporary jobs and an extension of life that makes the worker's identity not limited to work.

What can be said is that there is no awareness of the worker, since working conditions vary dramatically at times. Even in our small Kosovo. Suppose, we have often seen how employees of the sector went on strike by failing to perform the services society/state required of them until their demands were met. The way things are structured within the economic-political system, I have in mind the fainting of interdependence between sectors, makes it more necessary than ever to organize a root organization, a sectoral organisation, a consciousness that does not overlook the specifics of the work it does. The general scheme of production is such that it does not allow such working awareness even though it is in today's conditions to reveal a devilish class consciousness, where it denies/references in printing/princing.

The SBASK had organised a long-term education workers strike for wage hikes. The learning process was suspended. And as it flowed, wages had grown. But the quality remained the same if not worse. How unempathic this union is and generally education workers in Kosovo for the rest of society also show the recent warning of suspension of the teaching process unless teachers of the 1990s were compensated. The government has agreed to what is expected to cost Kosovo's poor budget millions of euros. These are also workers. And we see how workers in a sector can harm workers of other sectors. Education expert Dukagjin Pupovci had said in 2016 it was not true that education workers during the 1990s were not paid. He had even shown their wages, which were not much smaller than today. So, under the conditions of the 1990s, when most of Kosovo Albanian workers had been laid off, their economic situation had been better. And for these salaries in the parallel system back then, they were guaranteed by the rest of the society help that went away rudely from these same workers.

The labour market in Kosovo is tarnished with some sort of horrible tribity and clienteleism. 30% of people willing to work are unemployed. The numbers in young people are alarming. The prospect even among workers is terrible. And here, there must be great care about what is protested. You can't protest for workers in general because we have a variety of interests. You can't protest the other person's interest either, because that means that he/she is in a more oppressed position, in fact, brutally speaking of himself. That's a terrible disunitation.

The union organisation is influenced by the political parties in power, but it is the workers and members who make up it to be rid of these influences. After all, different unions also in developed countries relate to political parties and receive different promises. Some unions with one party, some with another. Vetevendosje has also met with Haxhi Arifi of BSPK, realizing the importance of union organisation.

Protest should flow as the workers ' own internal need. As a legitimate struggle for their demands. Otherwise, it can only be a sad falsehood through which some people want to freeze themselves into a better social position. Haxhi Arifi, the former BSPK leader, had a large income of 45 thousand euros a year, and an empathy for Kosovo construction workers working without employment contracts, health insurance and very small salaries can be expected.

But if they themselves don't feel the need to protest, or if they don't put pressure on unions to represent themselves better, then any outside intervention is a disunitation. A conscious hope on their part cannot happen if someone on the outside tells them what to think and when to get up and protest. It is easy to protest against the entire system, the owners of production, or the privileged. War is needed against them, not protest if such obedience exists seriously. But if it is believed in a governing form of representation, if it is believed in protest, then its right to organise and articulation belongs to the workers themselves.

The absence of up to date protests has to do with some sense of guilt and privilege among workers. Imagine, the unemployment rate is 30%. That is, a minimum - wage worker may feel more privileged than a large number of people who make up the unemployed. The blame, meanwhile, is also against nonprofessionalism or non-compliance related to employment through relatives, which I believe are not only within administration, but also in the private sector, in construction companies.

The existence of such employment schemes, where professionality is not examined, but primarily family proximity, causes the possibilities of protests to be reduced and their legitimacy lost. There is no simple relationship: power workers. There is another relationship that concerns the distribution of goods and printings, and that even in the case of Kosovo, risks violating a completely incompatible figure as unemployed. An unemployed existence wrote Ortega y Gasset í is worse than death itself. And Kosovo's key problem is this very layer of people without any future, dedisposed to the fate of being unannounced.

Of course, the functionality of state mechanisms should increase, job inspectors added, and pressure on better conditions. But this requirement should be economyd: What if in Kosovo such institutional severity would cause many small businesses to close or cut down on jobs? What if fighting and completely defeating the informal economy would lead to an increase in product prices and an increase in the number of unemployed? That's between the other ones.