Italians voted for chaos

The votes in Italy produced no clear majority by sending a disturbing signal. 60% of Italian voters and voters have decided this time for populist parties, either on the left for the Five Star Movement or on the right for populist parties, including the Neofashists. How disappointed and revolted must Italians have felt with the style of government in Italy so that they could now take refuge in populists, who promise everything, play with fear, and that very little would be accomplished by what they say?

Italians perceive their country as incompetent

Silvio Berlusconi, an resurrected 81-year-old elder with nearly 15% of the votes taken are seen as extenuating, though as no one else stands for the old Italian system. While the euro's opponent and hostile to foreigners, Matteo Salvin even appeared before Berlusconi, let's not forget those who still honor Mussolini, “Italian brothers” who have run into the right camp. In front of them from the other camp lies the Five Star Movement. Its leaders promised miracles, they want to spend money Italy does not have. The EU is the guilty one should pay more to Italy, according to them.

The Italians want something new, something else. Their state they perceive as completely incompetent and outdated. This is the bill of failure of the left-list, run so far by the ruling Social Democrats. Before the elections they were divided and found, like the German SPD, in an unstoppable decline. Former Italian hopeful Matteo Renzi failed on the political scene. Reforms in Italy do not move forward, the economy grows very slowly, the number of unemployed is very high, problems with the high number of asylum seekers have not been solved. The national device eats a lot of money, justice is slow and inefficient. The negative list for the eurozone's third economy could be continued further.

Impossible credentials

Voter message in these elections: It can't go on like this. But in fact, this will continue because all three major blocs prevent each other from in parliament, and coalitions seem impossible. At least before the elections they have ruled out possible combinations. Even a coalition, actually impossible, between the Berlusconi party and the Social Democrats there is no numerical chance of reaching the majority in the two chambers of parliament. If none of the other parties moves from this position, the Italian president should appoint a technical government, which should lead the country until further elections. Italy has often experienced this pattern. It does not reflect the democratic will of voters, but at least brings in more or less predictable relations.

The French ally of Lega Nord, Le Pen's National Front, congratulated Salvin for increasing the number of votes. Unfortunately, Le Pen is right when he says that for the European Union this election night was not a good night. With the high number of voters a significant EU member slides along the same side as Hungary, Poland, Greece and Austria, meanwhile. It is there that populists are either in power or co - governing. Poppulism is also marching in Germany. So far neither in Brussels nor other European capitals has been found the recipe to stop populists and nationalists.

Italy has no need to face a long government crisis. If markets lose confidence in Italy's regular development, this country's high-indebted mountain may soon become extremely expensive, even unfinanceable. Little hope is given to a voter's assessment at an election centre when it says: “We Italians will get through the situation as well. We've always been able to get through this system in some form. ”