Skenderbeu united in orientation

Kosovo, as the newest state conglomerate, where Albanians have the responsibility of maintaining the citizen state by offering and caring for the possibilities of prosperity and representation of other ethnicities here, does not change any details of orientation, interaction and Western affiliation. The national strategic orientation has the sealed roots of Skenderbeu. Such one, this [...]
Kosovo, as the newest state conglomerate, where Albanians have the responsibility of maintaining the citizen state by offering and caring for the possibilities of prosperity and representation of other ethnicities here, does not change any details of orientation, interaction and Western affiliation.
The national strategic orientation has the sealed roots of Skenderbeu. Such orientation remains one of the main values of Albanians even today, 550 years after his death. Not why this orientation has never been challenged, but that Albanian affiliation cannot be changed. Not yesterday, not today or ever!
The difficulties of Albanian ethnicity, later corresponding to different countries in the Balkans, have never had such power to influence the change of substance. They can't have it now, nor can they in the future be perceived.
Kosovo, as the newest state conglomerate, where Albanians have the responsibility of maintaining the citizen state by offering and caring for the possibilities of prosperity and representation of other ethnicities here.
As a particular case, the state of Kosovo is a joint domestic and Western project, thus setting the most concrete example in current world order that, in addition to the historical direction that it happens to be implemented, abuse with the concept of sovereignty and massive violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms until genocide cannot be accepted. What Kisinger calls, the world “rule-based”, is responsible for punishing “the irresponsability of world-class actser”.
Of course, such a role of the international democratic community has also received attention because of the orientation of the elite and the population here.
There are at least two lessons that can be learned in today's context by the essence of Skenderbe's political and strategic behavior:
First, Skenderbeu has joined the then princes. Of course, the then forms and modalities for this have been proportional to the time and cultural context. But this has given him the legitimacy of national leadership, strengthening the common route for all, for better and for worse.
Certainly strategic unity is necessary today. It's smaller and more insignificant thinking. It's completely narrower the dividing road we want to move as a whole as a society and as a state. On the contrary, the fundamental elements keeping the community together are not placed in a crisis of belonging. There may be divisions in various political organizations and beliefs, but these should not avoid or avoid committing to national interests.
Even today, unity about national interest in Kosovo is necessary and irreplaceable. In important processes for the state-building of Kosovo, in completing the state of Kosovo, there should not be actions that divide society and the state.
Second, Skenderbeu has clarified and, later, pursued strategic goals without any fluctuations. At no moment has the attitude and contribution to Skenderbe's alliances been brought to nothing. Even when not all the details of life had the highest level of interaction.
Kosovo's society and state have no dilemma in achieving strategic goals and national interest. Learning from past periods, in that Historical Memory brings us back to the table, the national interest of Kosovo is inseparable and inseparable from interoperating with the West.
Such, inseparable and inseparable, is strategic action to achieve national interests.










