1925/2017: Nazim Gafurri and Republika Srpska List

It's this extraction from “State of Expension” of Italian philosopher and lawyer Giorgio Agamben who, in my opinion, best describes the nature of the utilisation of the law, throughout human history, without making any exception here today and therefore neither the relations of the state of Kosovo and Serbia. This for a very simple reason: Life preceded and preceded human organization in community formations, later both society and the rule of law. The thinking of justice is the invention of consciousness on life's impulses, respectively. So the invention of abstraction, of racio. As life pulses and resembles its entire dilemma, consciousness turns out to be a tightly cut shirt that teaches toʹbe “tamam” life, respectively, as an extension of nature. So she's trying to be like that outfit that mom's trying to force on the child's refusal.

So what if we're asked, what has been the feeling of all those Serbian and French lawyers who have been faced with Haradinaj's marathon procedure in France nothing less than 4 months ago? Or our lawyers too? Four months ago I as the author of these lines and you as readers have been legal-physics persons without any problems with the Serbian state while the prime minister of these hours was accused of war crimes. Today, however, if he commits a missile or a crime against any Serb within Kosovo territory and continues to hide within Kosovo, Serbia would have to seek his extradition from the Haradinaj government. So he wanted him in the hole four months ago. Ironic, isn't it? Ralls of power, powers and positions in less than five months, at a time when whole lives are devoted to law study (there in no way are the lawyers' jobs but predicting the difference) that 18 years after a former Milosevic cabinet minister with the former KLA guerrilla commander be prime ministers.

Zaten is just post 2015 and this way, which has once again returned with quite a position of gravity of the Albanian-Serbian political relationship. At least since March 2004. This is because all that followed March that year has been a kind of rush of more law planning than politics from abroad (including declaring independence) in a territory that after Iraq's Afghanistan began to be viewed as more secondary on the American agenda. I'd rather write separately: 1) hastened, 2) implantation, 3) more legal than political, 4) outside action. Decentralisation, Kai Aides's report, the launch of negotiations preceding the declaration of independence, the next “patus” and “status final” and the Ahtisaari Pack itself are just some of the key examples in this direction. So typical cases of people's concern in Gracanica or Peja being ignored to leave the country with decisions made for them at weight tables away from Kosovo and Serbia. In fact, an EU of inexperienced technocrats with the Balkans and non-unitic in its foreign policy, signs that it could pave the way for the settlement of the Albanian-Serbian knot. As well as a UN that has why constituted the head of international organisations earlier wanted to wait for tension to call its Council for anything to Kosovo rather than see the trick for any hairi, as it only knew to repeat Resolution 1224. Only the American return to the investment he had made in 1999 at the 2005-2008 interval would pave the way for a calming to declare independence. And yet this American return compared with the enthusiasm of a mass of people who had just passed from the former refugee stage to the resident's (never citizen) was not enough for a political forged of a people/political society. The irony is that even Serbia as heir to a state that had been bombed, the only weapon of its post-99 discour, was violating international law. It was constantly called on how NATO bombings violated international law (which remains), while being firmly tied to Resolution 1244's waist. All of this during a time when he was actually losing the political position of changing the situation to its advantage.

EU-excilitated negotiations since 2011 were also witnessed a tired review of previous entrepreneurs. Let it not be forgotten that they began in a time/historic context of the new, heavy-weight development on the international map: the so-called <x0).

So on one side of the tremendous political developments in the big picture, while on the other side of the assisting promises “ ”, “roadmap “, non-compliance” in the EU-Balkans. A trembling Homs of humanity leaves international law three hours away by plane from Pristina, and on the other hand, a Pristina who postpones the day into line-of-law confusions one after one before the Constitutional Court. All of this at a time when the impression resulting from legal, routine and bureaucratic interpretation of negotiations (all: “Shkoi Thaci met as always with this and”) despite the cosmetic or non-communicatic changes on the ground, s horon anything other than the lemon days when Mitterand hosted a bunch of Albanians in his apartment. Not by chance did more land rage during 2014 and 2015 (not to be seen explained by other migration movements towards Europe) as well as Jablanovik's statement (the correctness of the country) rather than the agreements that come out of the cold office, which actually produce the opposite of the promise that legal defamation helps to facilitate political relaxation.

Here, too, is the opening of the confusion of political sensations in the very least legal networks and traps. Ahtisaari coming with Paco. The declaration of independence that does otherwise weigh politically, but that as it was said came from the haste of the American reminiscing of “the unrecognizable” rather than from some high local political awareness. The constitution, which on the day of writing, did not even cut the lemon of the day and let it be the most accessible target of any “geist” in the hegelian sense of the word. So even the biggest livestock in the country is the fear released in a football match, ideas for division and unity, Jablanoviki's statement, the issue of Demarket Association, the army issue etc., rather than the vortex of letters derived from negotiations, deals, etc.

The recent irony of the history of Haradinaj's Vuciq to be prime ministers and even for him to hang his government's fate from the Belgrade-long party is only that a statement of the re-entry policy on the thorny wires of the judicial-functional barricades that the International Community has established between Kosovo and Serbia after 99. Of course, the dioptaries of both nationalisms in this work see treachery associated with many curses. But reality is resistant and different in the face of nationalism even when they have few but also when they are very right. But this time, the pendulum of reality speaks of reintroduction of Belgrade's direct influence on the country's leadership issues and Kosovo's illusion, even from that vague tendency to greater subjectivity.

That is because when viewed in the restrospect, even though you can find cases where Albanians have conditioned Belgrade (e.g. At the time of the SKS Kingdom, the Serbian Radical Party of Pruscipi Srakati managed to form government without the votes of the Albanian Muslim Cemievet (Gemit) again, more this coincided with numeral techniques without any risk or violation of the subjectivity of a neighbouring state, because the Kosovo state was somewhere while Serbia had since 1830. As soon as he used Jamiejet for his own interests, Punisa Rashiki's expedition that killed Nazim Gafurri. Today 92 years after this event of dedication through the party-longing are direct interventions in Kosovo's attempt on state subjectivity. Not now in the form when a state that is formally not only Serb kills the political representative of the other ethnicity party that conditioned it, but in the form when the state today is clearly called only Serbia conditions the formation of the nine-year-old Kosovo state government, 18 years after the killings were not followed with at least one apology. Time is the horizon of being and the atmosphere is said somewhere. Reading the Albanian-Serbian context under the clausola dioptary, articles, agreements etc., implanted by external chronopolitics active, bypassing history (naturally without becoming a captive), is idiocy. Time and learning from it, not the law. As for the law, Milosevic also had one, even after Agambe declared it a child's game.