“Afera Proto” as methodological for Haradinaj Government

“Afera Proto” as methodological for Haradinaj Government

The conversations bugged in the so-called “Aphera Proto” were like a contradiction to the methodology of the two Thaci Governments, because they were published at the end of its mandate. But, they are also like foreword to the methodology of the current Haradinaj Government. Kurt criticized his governing plan when he appeared before the Assembly for [...]

The conversations bugged in the so-called “Aphera Proto” were like a contradiction to the methodology of the two Thaci Governments, because they were published at the end of its mandate. But, they are also like foreword to the methodology of the current Haradinaj Government. Kurt criticized his governing plan when he appeared before the Assembly for missing his method. He told what to do but not how it would work. I'm afraid the method has already been discovered. Haradinaj may not say “Proto” when answering the phone, but... this is just a symbol. And no, Haradinaj's voice was not heard in those conversations, but the decisions he made for the past 100 days reveal the same method of work. 70 deputy ministers, family meetings, forgiving water debts, putting the groom in charge of a large-funded institution, raising salaries for all employees are clear signs of the same method. The clientelism, nepotism, the love of ideas and plans, the intentional desecration of image these were characteristics even of Thaci Governments.

Can't a phone conversation about salary increases be easily imagined? And here, don't take Haradinaj's personal interest in those 1400 euros more. No, this is a wise tactical movement to shift public attention because Haradinaj has abundant money. The point is to raise salaries for advisers, ministers of deputy ministers who will be fed up with appetites, to the benefit of strengthening the customer network. The Thaci government faced various problems precisely because it paid special attention to image, debates, or the way it was perceived in public. This is identified in exactly those “pronto” conversations where Flora Brovina is reviled, or even later when they constantly make “frug” to each other for their TV shows.

In this regard, then, methodology has a significant modification. The Haradinaj government, perhaps taught by the PDK's sad experience in this regard, does not give money to image. The more fierce, the more powerful, the more rude their power extends. In order to connect them as closely as possible through series of interests, salaries, and other favors as possible, their people. Haradinaj is doing it. Ascendary. And, Vetevendosje is being quite hypocritical in relation to it. They dared to throw the egg at Isa Mustaf in the Assembly, but they are not dare to hunt Haradinaj for the terrible decisions he is making.

It's always been strange how despite a desecrated image of noves, and the division of a non-small part [Nisma], The PDK had managed to win a lot in 2014. However, they came out the third party in 2017. And you know why? I think the reason is pretty clear. They suffered cracks in their customer networks being very concerned about images they produced in public, and simultaneously being fully in service of international agendas. Ironically, it can be said that the PDK suffered a decline because it was less corrupt than other times. It targeted a shift in policymaking, openly flirting with political opponents, tolerating a hard language towards them, and at one time adopting the opposition rhetoric in the last period of government Mustafa [her allies, including Prime Minister Veselin and former Thaci, became spokesmen of what had artulated Vetevendosje]. Yet, flirting did not stop at this point. The PDK also began flirting with people of civil society, and with journalists it wants to join them by sulking with the party's image.

In Haradinaj Government, The PDK is dictateing to Haradinaj and is performing that method modification itself. Many new arrivals were silenced and marginalized. They didn't take a post in Government. They gave them to strong people, despite being discredited in public. According to instructions to bypass public perception, so did the AAK. Even this party had an interest in changing the perception of citizens by fishing many people from civil society, but just like the PDK made them irreverent and silenced them all. And, you're strengthening her power by expanding the network of clienteleism despite what the public thinks.

Haradinaj, a tribal leader, managed to make his party the second [Albanian-based] in terms of municipalities. While Halil Matoshi calls that and only “, we believe his hero”. Matoshi is one of the most respected intellectuals and among the oldest and most precious journalists in the country. And of course, Haradinaj will use it for a while until he no longer needs it. Until he gets completely lost in the private realm of his clientele. At parties at the oda and restaurants the clientele people are going to honor. People who see him. Matoshi will find himself lost. Like any other, who is interested in doing good in that government, and who is interested in its image, and in cultivating public relations.

This government will produce much discontent in public, and much satisfaction in those clientele private environments. The clientelism, if it was lying in the tribal form so far, will be completely open-minded, inclusive, and corrupt an ever larger mass of people. Television, newspapers, the internet will further increase dissatisfaction, which will be like always sad and dysfunctional. Disgusting that will lead, not to protest, but to an unfair anger, to an internal racism, which makes people dream of leaving Kosovo.

Oppression and privileges will already be distributed in a more organized form. Although it may seem more primitive than Thaci Governments, the Haradinaj Governinga is actually more systematic and more capable of implementing customer methodology. I will do, regardless of what people think and in relation to the portion they have in the coalition, the capture of institutions, the seizure of production sites, and will disseminate anger among the non-involved citizens in the clientele.

It is possible that all these parties will mark a major increase in upcoming elections. Remember, The PDK had no more than 50 candidates for MPs, which constitutes a halve of commitment and perhaps more than one quarter of votes less for them. But anyway, panic is too big, and clientele's appetite is the only way they know about power.

Anger will increase and increase, but the question is: not how to reduce and soften it, but how to produce less ike or tentim-nices from the country, and how to function in the best interests of the full discreditment of this work methodology that the ruling parties have. Anger has great destructive and upbuilding potential. And that's exactly what it takes: to destroy these things that maintain existing corruption and build a power that creates space for spontaneous and functional corruption, in the best of economic development and prosperity.

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