No Recycling of PDKists, but being on the edge avenged the VV's

It is no coincidence that in 2005, this year when VV took the stage, a past apology of the country's Catholic peace was being built, at a time when VV sounded like colonised Algeria, and the last thing you could expect from them was some religious apology. The fate of VV's population at first was only connected to television, the internet, there and there they press, in short, to the news. VV later turned into the gradual but confident absorption of people, which over the years and finally in June of this year brought them the growth that he did not expect. There are a set of factors that have conditioned this fate of the VV. Initially, its own leader, although born in Pristina on the part of his father, is not from Kosovo, but from Montenegro's Quarcol. And that in the contexts of provincialisms like ours plays no little role. In this direction Kurt looks a little bit like Arbe Xhaferi or more precisely like their children if they had political engagement. Because these two, one of the Vuthats and the other from Tetovo, never made their home in Kosovo, nor did Kosovo house them. Imagine a daily life in adults and the formation of Kurt had its origin from Drenica, Llap, or Dukagojini. It would take just as much effort to make him today.

Second, at the birth of the VV in 2005, a little delay played a role. Kurt was released from Serbia's prison in December 2001, so freely it could be said that he spent about three and a half years without knowing how he would be politically punished. By 2004, Kurt's legalization of the event was not accompanied by any emphasized ethanist connotation. In line with Demacin, Kurti even appealed in some permanent emergency care that the Albanian majority should show for minorities, particularly the Serb. But in 2004 Kurt supported what he today considered to be the popular “volta of March 2004”, even though to this day it is quite suspicious of the revolt that occurred that year (in fact, the revolt would have to have been minimal in 2002 when Rambouille's oral promise of “expired of the people's will”) expired. In the meantime, the traditional-civilist version of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo personified by then with the AAK and PDK somewhat like at once did not make up the shadow of its position. The Albanian cause had already left the country of personal and tribal enrichment, as well as the taking of power (this is the only natural second). This period is also known as the period of Pettersen, chief administrator who at least seemingly relaxed relations U n Albanian NMIC. The maximumisation of radical policies (this term has no irreverent condition as it sounds today) in a country of low political awareness and turned Kurt paradoxically into the mad Nietzsche they all laughed at. It has been said that Kurt did not hear any internal voices from his former friends to get close to Veton Surroi, who already had a year with the famous ORA party (rather than to repeat the October 2002 Surroi demaci controversy) Kurti designed Surroi as the biggest player among negotiators.

High-techniqued, traditional-circular nationalism The AAK's PDK already made completely clay out of the richness of the euro, was holding out the VV. Not because someone had or should have real ownership of nationalism, but because in our case he never saw the town village, he never seemed to have found a revolt (to wear a T-shirt with an eagle on the heels of <x0 beliters” in Pristina, Prizren's commitment to the weary Mitrovica even after that war, you would by all means despise and identify yourself as a cattu). The transition from the under-understanding/right to the needy runs through the middle quite a han. For perseverance is not necessary. You can say “I need to eat”, “pi”, “walk”, etc. but not also “to breathe”. Because you either breathe or you don't. Either you're alive or not (not misunderstood here: I'm not insisting on nationalism being the only dimension of man, but I'm analyzing his shows over time and space in our case).

The understatement and the need to distinguish. The one that's sometimes sour, the understanding is not. Not by chance, a person asks: Why you need crutches, it makes no sense to ask why you need to walk. The fact of being the late and necessary movement -- a time when the understated felt and knew what the LDK, the AAK, the commitment even ORA -- is historically known. That, since they were earlier and somewhat of our most natural scum. But up here, it wasn't like it was in the hands of VV people to look something different.

The point where the VV did not reflect was physical, ideological, insulting, as you would like, primarily in Pristina. Albin Kurti is entering his 21st anniversary since he is politically active since the Movement has 9 years less existence and it seems he has not yet asked the right question: is it following the concentration of everything in Pristina, the product of state capitalism (<x0->state catifalism” that produced Yugoslav centralism? You can't at the same time consider Kosovo a colonial case, and at the same time you breathe, action, propagos, find out exactly from the place that was established at the country's stage by being considered a colonist. Kurti as an unwanted product of Yugoslav semurbanisation would have to ask himself how many times he was in Mitrovica, Dragash, Rahovec, Vushtrri, Viti, Enhance, Skenderaj until 1997 when his political opisade begins. And if so, as for what? With an end to starting school? Or vice versa: How many times Ramiz Ladrovci, Hammez Jashari, VV candidate for Kacanik (where Kurti promised cinema) in Aktas a Kurriz until 1997. Otherwise, the movement will follow the turn of a large vortex: calling to the poor debakli in the poorest cities/city and victory in Pristina! The call to the country's de-industrialism as third/fourth in Obilic, Mitrovica, Gjakova. The call to nationalism on one side of the no further hand of the Ricalo case, further the vote for his failure, as soon as Haradinaj saw Haradinaj's willingness to keep him in the cabinet...

For all things: there will always be recitals. A totally provincial country, with basic family formations of course, leads to recycling. And it's indiscreet in itself to attribute it alone. The VV's brand of recycling and not look at the many examples other parties offer. After all, why can Rexhepi Selimi or Hysenies from PDK to VV not be seen reciclim Bajram Mulakiu from LDK to PDK is the only example. The important thing is that recycling does not reverse the road started for change.