Kosovo electorate

Kosovo electorate

In the 2013 local elections, which were described as well - organized and generally regular, numerous surprises occurred. Many municipalities changed the mayors, changed the parties governing them, and left the impression that the Kosovo electorate had changed. So it was not as definite and tribal as previously thought. Example, Shpend [...]

In the 2013 local elections, which were described as well - organized and generally regular, numerous surprises occurred. Many municipalities changed the mayors, changed the parties governing them, and left the impression that the Kosovo electorate had changed. So it was not as definite and tribal as previously thought. Example, Vetevendosje's Shpend Ahmeti won Pristina; Mimoza Kusari Lila won Gjakova; Agim Bahtiri won Mitrovica; Ferizaj, Gjilan and Lipjan, which were previously won by the PDK, were taken away by LDK candidates. These, among other smaller ones, reinforced the new impression in question. From the prospect of these elections, in 2014 it was rightly expected that the PDK would be punished, and that Vetevendosje as an opposition party would at least mark significant growth. There was room and reason for waiting for new surprises in the upcoming elections.

But the June 2014 results were contrary to those expectations. Not desperate. They did not produce the expected surprise. Ironically, they were surprising because they offered no surprise. The PDK gained considerable confidence, even though it had caused many scandals, and had terribly poorly governed. Vetevendosje, meanwhile, won only 13 per cent. Thus, the impression that this electorate had changed and could change was shattered.

This year, Kosovo organised two sets of elections -- national and local. In the national elections, Vetevendosje doubled its vote and became the largest party in the country. The PDK fell in third place. In local elections, taking into account the legal and administrative change, changing to problems and purposes for which the impression is voted, was achieved. So, however, the Kosovo electorate thinks before choosing. He comes up with an image or an idea or a picture. And vote.

So we were saved. Kosovo electorate will no longer make wrong choices. But the question is that there are no wrong, right choices, once and for all. And here's the problem of elections for the last four years. We never made it! We didn't escape because the risk of choosing this mobile electorate but moving strangely back and forth is a victim. There's something basic missing from citizen elections. And this is the articulation of the vote. This means a process coupled with the well-being of open communication with political parties, with political beliefs and values, with demands and modalities, and especially with rationalisation of expectations. The demand “we want better” is too dangerous for the elections we make, even more dangerous than any industrial theft of votes in any Kosovo city.

So, has the Kosovo electorate changed or not? The fact that he voted Vetevendosje at the time that it was making changes in discurs and the program, and the fact that he punished him The PDK after all that period of flawed, non-creative governance and therefore corruptness is a threat to a change. But let's not forget about the sudden returns to no change. The 2014 National Elections, and in part the current local elections, show that this electorate, which makes the impression of change, immediately takes a step back. It can be said that change is superficial, due to lack of clarity about what is required and expected. As a result of a broken relationship with politics and elections. Let's not forget, elections are a certain schematic of the daily choices we make. In advance, someone else places candidates. And the electorate has to choose between them.

What I'm saying is, it's easy to see the commitment of Vetevendosje activists, or the presence of its last voters. The vast majority of them are listed, not for something clear and concrete, but against something clear and concrete. And that's also dangerous. Because, in the event of possible self-rule in the future, not understanding and rationalizing its expectations, this electorate can punish again. The same was true in Pristina in 2013. More than for Shpend, the vote was against Isa Mustaf and LDK. The same can happen now, in a run-off, as a result of a misunderstanding and amulous of what people are looking for, and possible modalities for meeting the requirements.

Of course, tribal thinking is slowly weakening. The electorate is not fixed on his election. People don't want to change the parties and politicians they choose. And this, it offers opportunities for politicians to be more responsible, more connected with their citizens and problems, and also with ideological beliefs.

This type of political culture based on incredulous controversy is a big risk of staying here. This type of culture produces nonprogressive speeches and completely incompetent politicians. We also capture political debate within an unnecessary and harmful religious framework - corrupt or honest. From now on, it's not fair and honest, but capable and creative.

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