If you return to the Balkans after 10 years, do you think of the country as a conflict? Delawi answers

As for the idea of changing borders, Delawi has declined to comment specific details, saying Pristina and Belgrade should also be given time for reaching a lasting agreement that would contribute peace in the Balkans rather than the contrary.

Delaway, among other things, has spoken of the establishment of the Special Court in Kosovo.

 A month after coming to Kosovo a few years ago, you talked exactly about Kossev and praised the Kosovo government and the Parliament for making the decision then to establish the Special Court. You also underlined the importance of the signed Brussels agreement. You will leave Kosovo at the end of September. From this distance of time, how would you comment on these issues, especially given that these two issues, the Brussels agreement dialogue and the de facto Special Court have disappeared from public attention.

AMB: I would not agree that dialogue has disappeared from public attention. There's a lot of discussion on dialogue. It's not a very fruitful discussion, but there's a lot of harassment of public attention about it. I still think it's very important for Kosovo and Serbia to find a way of coming to this normalisation that we've talked about. I think the conversations between President Thaci and President Vuciq are very important.

As for the Kosovo side, I think there should be additional democratic legitimacy for these negotiations. I would like to see Kosovo's Parliament vote for any kind of strategy or similar goals to define what Kosovo's intentions are in this discussion. I think this is missing for now. If there is any kind of deal between President Thaci and President Vuciq, and then come to the Kosovo Assembly and be exactly new news for them, then this will not be good because international agreements like that require 80 votes. And how I know from my experience from the border demarcation agreement with Montenegro, securing 80 votes for anything here is not easy. Therefore, I think there should be more involvement in the political process in this discussion.

As for the Special Court, there was a series of activities for him in December and January last year. In January, I said a few powerful words about that. We were pleased that efforts to destroy the Special Court fell to the ground. The United States continues to support the Special Court because it is very important to bring justice to war victims here. I think the most obvious show of continuing US government support for the Court is the new special chief prosecutor, Jack Smith, who is American and is enabled by the US government. He's a highly experienced prosecutor, both in the U.S. system and in international tribulats, and apparently, he's a very strong person. I think that the fact that the US government is securing the chief prosecutor is a very powerful indication of our continued support for the Court.

May I ask when you predict that the Special Court case will return to public even in this political arena?

AMB: The court is not a political organ, it is an organ of justice and they do not work for me. Even though the prosecutor is American, he doesn't work for the American government. He is independent in his role, the same as judges who are independent, but are secured by the European Union. I have no idea when they will start making decisions. That depends on them. We'll support whatever they do.

In the same interview I referred to at the outset, we asked: What orders do you have for Serbs and Albanians? Pats say: “The variety and respect for others basically represent the foundation of multiethnic democracy. The policy of the United States of America is to promote continued development of a multiethnic democracy in Kosovo. Relations between Albanians and Kosovo Serbs are the key to lasting peace and development in the region, as well as essential to the country's future.” Now when we are on a kind of threshold of a possible exchange of territories, which some call a border marking and some ethnic divisions, many fear that this kind of scenario could push the region back into war. Indeed, many fear a new conflict. How do these messages sound that you mentioned at the beginning of your mandate from this distance of time and this new political rhetoric? How do your orders sound now?

EMB: I am still quite satisfied with what I have said. I continue to believe that Kosovo should be home to everyone who wants to live here, to any ethnic community. The US certainly supported the plurality in Kosovo from the beginning. I see continued progress in this area, certainly in the north, where we have integrated the judicial system, which is now part of the Kosovo system. That's positive. Walking in downtown Pristina on “Mother Teresa” I hear many speaking in Serbian. Many people have told me that ten years ago this would not have happened; people would have been afraid to speak Serbian in the city. Now it's common.

I believe that in the United States, diversity and diversity can be the source of strength for Kosovo; for people living here. I think if you look at the countries in the world that are really admired by others, they don't get admired because they're international, but because they can get the best out of all the different ethnicities and get something that's better than anything else that could produce only one ethnicity. So I am still committed to Kosovo's multiethnic success. I am optimistic and think that after ten years, when I return to Pristina, I expect to see a very lively and full-fledged city where people from all over the Balkans are very happy to be here.

With monoethnic communities after ten years? How do you predict the border? Do you envision changes in the border after ten years as suggested by both leaders? At least they talk about... one leader talking about demarcation of the border, the other about border correction and the division of three municipalities from the south of a sovereign state [and joining] Kosovo?

AMB: Our attitude is not to enter into the details of the agreement for now. Our position as the US is to enable Kosovo and Serbia to reach some kind of agreement, which would be stable, which would be accepted by the people of both countries, which would contribute to stability in the Balkans rather than the contrary, which would be right and which leaders could explain their public opinion. As for the contents of that agreement, I am not willing to comment for the time being. Of course, there are limits to what we are willing to accept and whether there are any sketches of the agreement with which we are not satisfied, we will surely let them know our opinion.

T L: Limitations for the draft agreement?

EMB: Yes.

Border lines, land swaps, border correction, division if these were the foundation of the blueprint of a clear ethnic divide agreement, do you see any restrictions on such an agreement? Or do you allow me to ask the question differently: Do you completely exclude the violence if any of these scenarios come about? It doesn't matter what it's called: ethnic division, land exchange, demarcation or border correction. How acceptable would such a solution be for the US if there is violence side by side with the implementation of such a scenario: border demarcation or something like that?

I have to split this question in two because, as I said, right now I won't talk about possible solutions. As for violence, I think I can be pretty clear about it. We are against violence. The Balkans have seen a lot of violence and I think people in the region have seen enough violence and do not want to see more. We provide huge resources to NATO troops here, in the Kosovo Force, hundreds of hundreds of American soldiers and they are here to protect people. They're here to prevent violence; to enable freedom of movement, safe and peaceful environment, and this is a giant commitment to us and these soldiers who are currently from California, where I am from, but soon we will have the new group because every 9-10 months they are here to ensure that there is no violence and to prevent violence. So far, I think they've been very successful. I think, in fact, I know that KFOR is respected by many of all the people living here and that everyone is very happy when they see the different KFOR soldiers passing by in their different NATO uniforms.

You said when you returned to the region after ten years... Do you expect there to be no conflict or violence? Can you promise that to people?

It would be ridiculous to promise. I'm sorry. I don't want violence: I'm a diplomat. I devoted my entire career to the peaceful solution to problems. As I said, the U.S. has pledged a lot of resources, a lot of good people to make violence as much as possible. Can I promise that? Of course not, but we will do our best to ensure that there is no violence.

Back to your personal career. What was your greatest success here in Kosovo, and what do you think could have been done better? Not necessarily from you, but the things you wish to see and that could be better.

I think we've had a lot of progress in rule of law, which I'm very proud of. Like. The approval of the guide for penal policy, the integration of the judiciary in the north, the civil registry documents for minorities has yet to be completed, but there is progress that the Special Court has already discussed. There is much more transparency in government than there has been before. More judicial decisions are being made public, and now electronic procurement means that if the government wants to buy something, it should make it public. So these are very positive. Over the past few years, we have had some good economic news to which we, like us, have contributed. The raisins. When I came here, there was almost no milk exports; now their export to Western Europe totals ten million euros a year. That means many jobs, especially in rural areas. Medical plants are a major co-operative, almost only women who collect and process herbs for export, mostly in Switzerland. And that's what a multiethnic group of women do. We've contributed to this and I'm very proud. Besides, it's the thriving civil society you're part of and we're so glad to see investigative journalism change things and point out the hard issues.

About the things I wish we did. I'd like to have a magic wand to eradicate corruption all are unhappy because of corruption. This issue unites all Kosovo communities, all hate corruption. Unfortunately, though, it is not a problem that can easily be solved. It must constantly be worked, step by step, to close opportunities for corruption. But, as you know, I will leave, but my embassy and my team will continue to work on this issue because it is so important for Kosovo's future.