Mustafa reacts after CEC decision and Supreme Court

Mustafa reacts after CEC decision and Supreme Court

Former Democratic League of Kosovo deputy Muhamet Mustafa has reacted to the position of PZAP and the Supreme Court in connection with the voting counting process, which he has filed with his colleagues Fadil Aliu, Besnik Krasniqi, Nuredin Ibishi. According to Mustafa his complaint had nothing to do with winning [...]

According to Mustafa, his complaint did not involve winning or not winning the MP post, this is because Mustafa immediately after the vote has publicly given up the race.

 

Here's Muhammad Mustaf's full post on Facebook: 

“FOR “R I EXPLAIN” E V OTAVES MIDIS CANDIDITY either
NO T E EXAMPLES STRUCY LINN
(Post festival, counting and recounting of candidates for deputies in the Kosovo Assembly)
This scripture comes after the stance of PZAP and the Supreme Court over a complaint I and three other colleagues candidates for deputies (Fadil Aliu, Besnik Krasniqi, Nuredin Ibishi).

To immediately explain that my complaint I believe even my colleagues had nothing to do with the fitmin or not winning the MP's position. In fact, I immediately after the vote, still uncounted and knew the results of the vote for MPs had been publicly withdrawn from the race, saying the reasons. We complained because of the seriousness of the following problem.

Starting with statements issued by the CEC itself, including the CEC leader that even in these votes there are concessions and violations of the rules during the numbering of candidates' votes and their reseparation among candidates within the lists of participating political subjects in this year's June national elections, as well as from the debate I had on page after some of my posts, including one commissioner's claims, we asked from PZAP and later three other colleagues from the Supreme Court to find that this phenomenon is present.

To ascertain what dimension there is and how much this anamily, which consistently follows the voting counting process, distorts the election outcome. To ascertain this, we proposed that this be found through the sea analysis of a non-repressive of all ballot boxes, formed by the random method that would be found through a statistical model and very simple software that I used to tell all the research organizations.

The sample would be made up so that all polling numbers would be an input to the computer and, based on computer institutions, would provide, for example, 248 boxes for renumbering and compared to the results of votes to promote for MPs, such as by commissioners. This would give us the proper information to ascertain how many results, with what %s missagen from the votes inside the boxes, with precision within acceptable standards.

This would give you a hint of how much this avoidance is, how it distorts the vote of the citizens of Kosovo, and finally how much we can be confident that the defidenes that are going to be certified are the ones that have voted enough citizens in relation to those left out of the Assembly, especially those who are close to the number of votes with those who enter the Assembly.

In fact, the seriousness of this problem also emerges from the example of the numbering of 116 boxes that resulted in three changes in the composition of MPs for specific subjects. But this cannot be taken for a basis for conclusions concerning the selection management, because the sample was not random but selected in spite of specific MPs' demands and, as such, is not a refusal and reliable for a general assessment. Candidates for MPs find it difficult to have mirrors on the issue. They're not housed at the polls when votes are counted even when voting to respect certain rules. They can't even investigate individually, and many of them don't want to act on the information they get after the electoral activity and vote counting and according to their expectations, or in their style: me “have voted”, <x2 here and here I have links“ ” , “I have family connections here of”, since voting is secret and such must remain.
PZAP and the Supreme Court argued their decisions that our request was not argued, that we lack evidence (for forgetting the public declaration of a commissioner and even the public declarations of the CEC representatives, and that it is not preceded by rules, procedures and law. But they forgot that such an analysis, with a standard method of research, is not even forbidden. So she could be approved.

This was not approved and we were puzzled about the electoral outcome over whether they're deputies who certificate these days what they should be, or some who are left out and should be certified? And this fact has enormous significance for the credibility of MPs and for the credibility of the supreme institution of representative democracy in our Parliamentary Republic.

The CEC and other responsible institutions hope to think more deeply about this issue and not deal with the normal routine and conformity of this phenomenon that is accompanying several rounds of elections to us. They, but also DnV and the other performers in civil society and in media should also do all they can to make this “re-proportion” of the vote by the commissionors stop and sanction. I'm afraid we're still acting this time following the example of the ostrich”.

 

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