LDK and Vetevendosje will make big change, post of prime minister we have trouble

The deputy chairman of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Lutfi Haziri, says his party, along with Vetevendosje Movement, will make the change much needed in Kosovo, and says that São will be a problem even in the post of prime minister.

The second meeting with the VV, he has described it as positive, saying talks between the two parties will continue at the expert level to achieve programming compliance.

In his interview with Periscope, Haziri also discusses many other issues involving local policy, as well as management of the Gnjilane municipality, the quality of the mayor.

Total interview:

Haziri, you've recently held your second meeting with Vetevendosje. Can you give us details on this meeting?

This was the second meeting between political subjects, the first meeting was between leaders, we're at the same point, I'm on the same scale at program points that exist between the two political subjects. What are those roads that can offer us to de-profession these policies and of course we will work at the level of professionals or technical levels that in the future bring those that belong to us as political subjects. And in the future, those issues that have political weight will be discussed at the level of leaders so that without seeing the possibility of opening a new co-operative capital between LDK and Vetevendosje because our historical history is controversial to this point.

Does this new chapter of talks mean a time when you will talk about the post of prime minister?

Of course, the two main principles they offer us is the political legitimacy of the Albanian majority political majority in the Assembly. Let's say with 11 representatives of other minorities we create a solid majority of political representation in the Assembly. A new report with the Serbian List is posted here because those with the latest act of overthrowing the Government being part of the government joined the PDK's logic in the collapse of the Government and the dissolution of Parliament. The main goal has not been to overthrow the government, but to break up parliament. This report of co-operation from the controversial report with all forms VV has rejected The LDK) also, with voter turnout and the motion, of course, requiring the need for a new policy of co-operation between the two parties. These are, and the political legitimacy that I mentioned, but there is also the national programme that is the point because the LDK's governing programme is also built based on the national programme.

Tell me the VVA's date is only about programming issues. Can you tell us, even though there are only two meetings you've held so far, as far as you've managed to discuss at this point with Vetevendosje?

We're definitely at the beginning of the road. We agree that the programming issues that need to be discussed and approach should be done at the expert level. Along with coalition partners, we will discuss all activities, all needs, so that together with Vetevendosje LDK will lead the country towards changes. The LDK in its third decade is coming to be the main bridge for carrying change expected to take place in Kosovo.

So far, what we hear from the coalition PAN, they keep saying they have numbers, but we haven't seen anything concrete in this regard. So it only exists as a daily statement that he has numbers. Do you think that the PDK with the help of President Thaci can lead the country into a political crisis?

We are embarking on a political path that has been caused by crisis, definitely because the way the motion was organised, is dissolved by parliament, the way the MPs and opposition parties are at the time and themselves. The PDK as a coalition partner clearly shows that this country has entered a political crisis. The violation of political agreements, the two-legged violation of bids, have broken trust, ruined bridges of co-operation and started by the next level of co-operation.

It's good at this stage to exercise the constitutional right that the Constitutional Court has granted precedan in the VLAN case. At that time, Mr. Thaci has been both president and prime minister in office. It's good to respect that guide because I know exactly what a full record mandate means. Don't let me stray from this guide. Sometimes it's painful, but it'll be irrelevant. The PDK is in this case of what decision the president will give, but it will be painful if the Constitution is not respected.

Vetevendosje has warned protests in the event no mandates are given for forming the government in the second time. Would the LDK join this protest?

We believe that in this situation our candidate for prime minister of the LAA coalition is equivalent to any other nomination, at the second time we expect to offer our option by creating a majority, or along with Vetevendosje, we can offer a consensual name but I don't believe such statements can be beneficial to the country. Even so, the country today is in an institutional crisis because the incumbent government cannot work harder, but is only a guardian of institutions. We have hosted greater government support at this stage that we do not have.

Recently there are voices from various political parties, even the last case by an MP from your own party, Mr. Naser Rugova, who said the possible option is the formation of a comprehensive government. What do you think of that?

The origin of the proposal comes from Mr. Pacolli. Mr. Pacolli has good intentions with this proposal, of course, that he is opposed by some MPs, but any exit outside the results of June 11th politically could cause another political crisis. Because according to the Constitutional directive, the first party automatically takes two legislative pillars, has the presidency and the Assembly. We are waiting for this task to be largely exercised, on the contrary, any tendency to leave this agreement is a tendency to eliminate Mr. Haradinaj for the foundation of the government. The LDK does not become part of the PDK's kitchens for the establishment of the government, both what are called technical governments. We expect the second constitutional mandate for establishing the government, and this is the option that the LDK can then support Pacolli's option for major government that does not exclude AAK and NISMA from a government.

We go back to the prime minister's case. You said you haven't discussed this subject yet with the Vetevendosje Movement. But will you accept Albin Kurti as prime minister?

We're not really in that part of the negotiations, and if we're not in that part of the negotiations, it's too much prejudgment.

But will you still come to that point...?

I don't believe that the proper name would be any obstacle to co-operation between LDK and Vetevendosje, and I don't believe that even this issue will divide us. The priority issues we can discuss now, but once again we are discussing mainly issues dealing with the party programme.

Until then, I don't have much to say but so far these principles are comfortable.

In the June 11th elections, prominent LDK figures have remained outside parliament until new figures have managed to get a considerable number of votes. How do you explain this?

It's so that in every election to bring in new names, there are new names for the party, but they're old names for the audience. Lumir Abdixhiku and Driton Selmanaj are also known public names. There are other authorities that have already been politically lined up under the elections, and these have entered earlier as new names, and have not passed without challenges. Even now the support is huge.

But it is not good political symptoms to remove the faces of people who have even one spirit of emblems because it is not for citizen support it is for civil infidelity.

There are other political parties that have been working only on their own names and against other names to occupy their space within subjects.

So there are examples in the LDK that are chosen by political victimisation, but within their political subjects, not outside their political families.

There have been deputies who have held up to 40 meetings where they usually don't ask for their own votes, but they go and propaganda against someone else.

Earlier you said you would not run for mayor of Gjilan but still unclear that such an attitude is a final decision of yours. Would you run for the mayor of Gjilan, wouldn't you?

I personally opened the process in Gjilan. The LDK Assembly will consider any candidate it can run. If I run for the local elections, it's the result of the June 11th elections. It makes me indebted to the citizens of Gjilan but also the projects that are still in place. In the local elections, the candidate name is more important than the subject itself.

What will you be remembered as chairman of Gjilan?

The chairman who has three warrants. I'm the first mayor in freedom of the city. 90 percent of people call me by my name, call me directly. That's the key track I left. I am the signatory to the Declaration of Independence, which is the request and subliative request not only of Gjilan but of all Kosovo citizens.

There are also infrastructure projects that will be rebuilt for the first time after 1975. This infrastructure was provided for a municipality that had no more than 50,000 inhabitants and was built on time principles.

This has already been built with principles of new urban standards, Gjilan is already integrated with Pristina, and I mean budget integration. We have many partners from governments of many European states to implement projects.