Bujovi: Adem Jashar implemented agreement between Ramiz Alia and Ibrahim Rugova

Historian Yusuf Bujowi on the 24th anniversary of the heroic fall of the legendary commander, Adem Jashari and his family, has published a long writing, writing about his contribution to the country.

He has also shown the role of Adem Jashar in political processes, stressing that he had implemented the agreement between Ramiz Alia and Ibrahim Rugova.

Here's a full post:

ADEM JASAR WRITER IN THE UNLOFTA COMMON

By Yusuf BUXHOVI

Kosovo's long-standing opinion is locked within the parentheses: the historic president and legendary commander. The reality within which our citizen now lives on is constantly putting pressure on his historical conscience as such epithemisms seem to cover an irrational state of the social life of our currentity. The longer and more time goes on and the more a historical process consolidates, the more the historical consciousness, which is laid down not only by individuals and social groupings but also by ordinary citizens, to make a redimension of this historic process.

Who really is the legendary commander, Adam Yasar, in this variable mental costelation, what is his actual size and place in this historic process?

Two are real positions:

A) The right to sacrifice, and

b) Its role in political formations first and finally military.

Adem Jashar, a leader of the entire Jashar family, along with his brother, Hamza, because of an extraordinary sacrifice, which exceeds the model of Oso Kukes, provides the example of the subliment sacrifice for an idea, the idea of the state of Kosovo and the freedom of the people of Kosovo. In this painful sacrifice, it has become a metaphor that includes the priceless collective sacrifice for an ideal. The extent of this sacrifice has led the name of Adam Jashar, meaning the entire family, to receive a reference not only political but also spiritual. It is not the case with the popular slogan, on the occasion of Kosovo's proclamation independent state: “Bac, done!”, which later undergoes various modifications, but always maintaining essentially that key message that sacrifice is valid or that it is being used. However, the essence of the message remains unchanged: The ideal for which the sacrifice was made must be permanent and that it is his figure by being mythed has been raised to the pedestal of freedom from which he sees everything and reproves us.

However, the image of Adam Jashar, being real, that there is a history that has undergone various transformations, forces us to address this personality story within a real framework as historical.

Adem Jashari, Hamza Jashari and the entire Jashari family since the early nine ' s have been engaged in the political process of statehood, which the LDK has led. Even in this statehood commitment, this family has been singled out for the seriousness of engagement, whether it's about political-level activity organisations or other levels, such as Rifat Jashar's contribution to the Kosovo Republic Fund, which was later so irreversibly named as the “Fondi of the Three-percent”, which actually kept key segments of institutional life alive in then Kosovo. However, his activity does not simply end up in activities about political awareness in the life of an ideal project because completion of this process required engagements of other forms.

It was clearly seen that without a military action it cannot live to the end the historic project of Kosovo independent and sovereign state. In time, by evolved the processes, even the Albanian movement in Kosovo for independence changed the modalities of action, clearly investigating that independence cannot be realised only by peaceful methods.

The LDK even had the plan called “B”, that is, military organisation. Our opinion is not much known to an agreement between the two states, the Albanian one with the Kosovo one for a military, problematic co-operation, that is presented in the work “Kosova” in five volumes as well as in the English edition. So Adem Jashar is among the leaders of the implementation of the agreement between the two presidents, Ramiz Ali and Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, for preparing military formations and transforming them into operational formations that, under certain circumstances, will be introduced into Kosovo territory and will deal with the organisation of war at all levels.

We all know the composition of the formation of young boys who were trained in Surrel, among whom are prominent Adam Jashari, Sali Cekaj, Zahir Pajaziti and many other names that are justly treated as initiatives of the military body on Kosovo territory.

What has been the role of Adem Jashar and this military formation remains to be treated later by military history, which will deal with the review of military strategies and doctrines that would be implemented in the event of the start of the war in Kosovo, which even happened. However, one thing is clear: the war in Kosovo has its starting moment in the attack of the Serbian police and army on the Jashar family and the Jasharaite sacrifice.

Adem Jashar's role in this war has been dealt with in various ways. His fall, not in the days when the great sacrifice took place, but shortly thereafter, began to Mystified, and his very personality was clothed with a mystical veil, so that for a short time from the historical reality, he goes into legend.

The truth is that Adam Jashar started the war, but not along with military formations, such as those of Labinothos and others, which were formed in parallel with the aim of occupying an empty space created by then the vagueities of our institutional subjects, but also from the very defensive of the international factor in relation to new developments. The image of Adam Yashhar appears to be quite complex in this conspiracy. On the one hand, it is dressed in a legend veil, closing a story of life and work, and on the other side, however, as a mysterious personality or without those elements, it remains a key node in military developments.

It is true that he has met only one military formation, grouping that on the institutional line has been sent to exercise in different military ranges in order to create a framework prepared to organize and wage a liberation war. As such, he was and had to remain an interconnector, a personality that, like a few, would enable politics to relate to war.

A policy has been developed for a decade and a process of statehood, where the principle of politics without war has been on the surface. After a few years on the surface comes the next concept - still lame, without politics. These shortcomings today are suffering from the new state because in key moments of history, a common war front and political representation failed to make a union. This vacuum, which has tried to fulfill Adam Jashar's personality but remains unfulfilled because of the events in which Adam Yashhar and his family had their primary role. If this institutional vacuum were fulfilled today, neither would special courts nor the dual status of the state, whose sovereignty is not only fragile but is violated in all ways.

Only with Adem Jasharin, as a personality without a mythic and legendary aura, Kosovo would have that necessary political-military homogenity, which it does not have, and for which today it is paying a heavy plate.

The work and life of Adam Jashar from today's position lays the need for a reevaluation of the position that means removing smoke auras on him and returning real historical merits. If the nineth years, with the beginning of the war, were marked by a national homogenism before the possible danger of a broader conflict that would follow after the decomposing of the former Yugoslav federation, with the beginning of the war this kind of homogenity declined, became the fragmentation of political forces and population in general, passing the population through Calvari of a persecution they called Biblical, the post-war period passed in an attempt to monopolise institutions at the beginning of pre-state independence as well as state independence.

So this despotism that is characterizing this country's situation is also a result of clouding the role of certain personalities given to us by that period of momentum. The great sacrifice of Jashars, Deliaves, Ahmetaj and Recak, which had been destroyed for a military intervention by the West in the name of a people of genocide, was forgotten.

The truth is that Adem Jashar and his family, along with many other well-known Kosovo families, fell on behalf of the state, on behalf of the end of a historic process initiated by many generations before us for a state once called Dardan and which was the focus of world developments.

Thus, Adem Jashar remains an example of sacrifice for the State. All the other warriors who gave this themselves gave it to this country, which must be holiness.

Today's political class has forgotten the eternal message of the sacrifice of Jasar and other families, transforming this country into a currency for escape because of its own ambitions, into a project that is not known for the end.

By betraying Jasara's passport, not only is the message of a sacrifice being betrayed but also an international investment. Our international friends, due to whom we now have this state, are very desperate with us, with the lack of the logic of statehood, with the personalisation of power, with the monopolisation of institutions. And all these are far from the world's democratic practices.

This country does not need revolutionary practices, there is no need for iconography and revolutionary jewelry, which highlight one thing: monopoly on truth and much more monopoly on institutional power of all levels. Success in life is not measured by defeat but by victory. It is time for this Slavic thought to be removed from our thinking of our historical history and philosophy.

Reimension of a historic process and its representative figures establishes an inevitable need: the return of the martyrs and all those who have fought for the state of Kosovo from party property to general property that they are personalities that emerged from the people and must turn to the people, be the property of all parties, not instruments for the fight for power.

Only then can we have real stories and a non-conflict future.

At times, it will be called to account for the generations coming for today's activity. Man lives his life to appear white before generations to come.

Pristina, on March 8, 2015.