Former Croatian president: Serbia can neither conquer Kosovo with its army nor impose solutions

In this way, Mesic comments on tensions in Montenegro that have caused the maturity of the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, Ionanikije.

Montenegrins are deeply divided over their country's ties with Serbia and the Serbian Orthodox Church.

Speaking to Radio Free Europe, Mesic says that, clearly, “some one cannot break free from goals for a large state of”.

According to him, there can be no change of borders in the Balkans, while for Kosovo it says it is widely recognised and that others who have refused will do so “.

Can what is happening in Montenegro be seen as an internal religious issue or a foreign policy issue, with clear implications for the region?

Stjepan Mesic: Events in Montenegro are his internal issue, but there are other implications. Clearly, it's church intervention in state affairs that's not good.

In all, it is about the intervention of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the leadership of the Orthodox Church in Belgrade, in religious matters, but also in the state affairs of Montenegro.

In Montenegro it has shown that this is not only Church intervention, but, through the Church, the politics that seemed to have stopped in our region also intervenes. But some are restoring it. They are bringing it back through the message of the Serbian world “”. So this is just a part of that policy.

In Montenegro, like all of us, the Church is separate from the state, but in Montenegro it is specific.

The Montenegrin Orthodox Church has been autocephares, and everyone should know that. The State must not interfere with church affairs, nor the Church in state affairs.

In general, how do you view Serbia's current policy in the region?

Stjepan Mesic: I see it from a critical point, for some reason. Everyone who does politics knows we could have gone without a fight. It is very clear that Tito's Yugoslavia had three main integration factors. One was Tito and his career as winner of the war after World War II.

The second factor was the Communist Party of the League of Communists, which broke with the will of Slobodan Milosevic and the League of Communists of Serbia. And the third factor was the Yugoslav Army, which stopped being Yugoslav because Slovenians, Albanians, Croats and Bosniaks left it.

She became a Serb army, and Slobodan Milosevic was convinced she could achieve political goals with that army. His political goal was neither federation nor confederation, he was against it. Milosevic has deceived the world into fighting for Yugoslavia. The world has been sensitive to Yugoslavia because of its merits in and after the war.

Milosevic has even deceived Serbs. You've lived in a state, you'll still live in a state of”. He didn't think in Yugoslavia because he destroyed it with all the means. He has told them: “You must give gifts to Great Serbia in territories”. This has been his policy; 65 percent of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while others have what they can.

He has not counted Slovenia. There are no Serb autochton people in Slovenia.

Due to the disappearance of integration factors, a new political agreement had to be reached. That's what we haven't done.

As a member of the presidency of Yugoslavia and later as chairman of the Presidency, I have made every effort to find a new political agreement. She was a confederation. Had we achieved it, we would have avoided fighting, for we would have agreed.

It would save the country on every occasion; all the constituent elements, all republics, would continue their way to Europe separately.

That's how we won Yugoslavia's “fragmentation” in the provoked war Milosevic loved.

There, he has found a collaborator for Croatia's president, Franjo Tudjman, because he also thought he could extend Croatian borders slightly. So the effort to agree on the division of Bosnia has been the real cause of war.

We had 100,000 dead and the border didn't change a millimeter.

Do you see similarities in today's processes in Montenegro, Bosnia, Kosovo, with events from the early 1990s?

Stjepan Mesic: Clearly, one cannot break free from goals for a large country.

Instead of fighting in their country for more civil rights, for higher standard of living, for more employment, for greater co-operation among the countries of the region, they still dream of major border interventions. But there is no border interference.

If the changes in the borders in our region were not possible, with 100,000 casualties, with so many weapons and armies, what kind of a fool would you think this could happen now?

The whole world, and above all, is against any violation of the boundaries that exist today.

How can what is happening in Montenegro affect the region? Can it be transferred to the region?

Stjepan Mesic: It will not spread to the region, but it would be good for people in Montenegro to become aware and understand that there is no change in borders. Because, in fact, this is a Serbia's attempt to, through religion, do what it has not been able to do with state politics. This is the last attempt on some circuits, not everyone's charge. These are illusions and that's not gonna happen.

Do the negotiating processes between Kosovo and Serbia relate to what is happening in the Podgorica-Belgrade delegation?

Stjepan Mesic: The challenge of our region is that Serbia, as a society, has not succeeded in what the Germans have understood after World War II. They have not realized that they have followed ideas that have been elusive.

The Germans have lowered their heads. Serbia, unfortunately, has not lowered its head.

She accuses Milosevic, not because he has gone to war, but because he has not won the war. Now, some cannot agree with the fact that they have gone astray and that they should open up cooperation with their neighbors.

No one in Serbia dares say Kosovo is a technical issue for Serbia. Serbia, nor can it invade Kosovo with its army, nor can it impose Kosovo on its own solution.

The confessions that it is Serbia's “Heart” or its “spirit” may bring some memories, but things should be looked into the current context.

Serbia has been able to have a different policy towards Kosovo. In the end, Serbia has probably been able to accept federal co-operation with Kosovo, confederial relations. Many could have been done. But after the war, which has been imposed on Kosovo, these are now illusions. There is no longer any possibility that anything will be changed in relations between Serbia and Kosovo.

Kosovo is largely recognised. Others who have refused will. This goes on its own. It would be good if there were more information in Serbia, for society to understand that Slobodan Milosevic's policy has been wrong and now reality must be accepted. And, reality is Montenegro's independence, the independence of other republics that have become independent after the collapse of Yugoslavia, but the reality is the existence of Kosovo as well.

If Serbia, for internal reasons, cannot recognise Kosovo, it can do something else. It may allow economic co-operation on the border between Serbia and Kosovo to pass capital, citizens, companies, to become economic co-operation, people not have problems crossing the border, to stabilise... then solutions will be better.