Periodial Editor: Kurt's unexpected defeat

A month after announcing early elections, Albin Kurti seems surprisingly silent. Too quiet. This is in contrast to his time in government, which he spent mainly on Pristina media providing lengthy interviews, and on Facebook writing countless statuses. So when he has to speak, he [...]
A month after announcing early elections, Albin Kurti seems surprisingly silent. Too quiet. This is in contrast with his time in government, which he spent mainly on Pristina media. providing extensive interviews, and Facebook writing countless statuses. So when he has to speak in prefuf time, he shuts up. When he had to work, he talked. Furthermore, he rejected repeated invitations to the debate with his counter-Candidate by the PDK, thus making the same move offensive as Hashim Thaci once against him.
Why is that mute?
The question in question is that it has to do with “change”. Change in the first letter to neighboring with the great fraud machine. The great hope created for a permanent and radical change in every facet of life in Kosovo seems to have given Vetevendosje's leader a sense of public responsibility for the first time, and with that some embarrassment. For the first time he is afraid of this great civic hope, and of the expectations he has created. The purpose of gaining power, and the whole struggle for it, seems to have left the goal of power void - improving the lives of citizens.
In an interview with Woodrow Center Wilson about his governing programme, Kurt opposes euphoria for change. The interview is in English, and was not captured by most media, but still manifests the symptoms of an illness. If the disease, as can be understood by its etimology in Albanian, is linked to the verb "meditable" and to the astrophin behind ʹs) makes the meaning of “cannot be” or “can't”. A possible consequence of Albanian agricultural culture, where only the one with “could be able to work and released from office. So, in Kurti's case, this is a manifestation of this inability, and it's recorded in his short governance filled with Facebook status and interviews, and in the campaign that preceded that power period.
Kurti even claims that people this time -- for the difference from every other time in Kosovo's state-form history -- are patient and waiting for the changes.
Anyway, this will be the first government when people have to have patience for certain things because all those who promised miracles made wonderful fortunes for themselves. And now people are very patient for our government when it comes to certain changes set out as reforms in the education system or health insurance fund. They are willing and willing to wait. ” He says during this presentation.
Where is Kurt seeing this expectation of citizens ' patience? Of course, nowhere. The overwhelming majority of its supporters [of those not self-paid activists from Vetevendosje who are waiting to be employed with power] actually expect permanent changes, changes even in their personal perspective. And that's very fair based on the policy-making of the party Vetevendosje. After all, what is the general good if not the integrity of our personal interests?
Suppose, for reforms in the educational system, if we were optimistic enough to believe that we would definitely have improvement, not the drastic deterioration of the situation, would be the citizens of the minor age 0 to 10, and those still unborn citizens. Moreover, the process of connecting the educational system with employment has been made by previous governments. What's the difference at this point?
Of course, gradual change has taken place in the face of any power.
But we quickly mention more of Kurt's promises of economic development. He has promised minimum wage growth to 250 euros. The PDK has promised 300, of PSD 280. Kurti had promised in past elections that the budget would reach 2023 to 3 billion. Even the promise is smaller than the achievement made by previous governments, Thaci 1, Thaci 2, Mustafa and Haradinaj. We remember that the state budget in 2008 was 815 million, and in 2019 it was 2.4 billion. We remember that Kosovo had a huge growth in the economy throughout the decade, despite corruption. What's the difference, then?
The same is true of the Justice Vetting process a process initiated by past governments. The same is true of the teacher re-evaluation process, a process initiated several years ago that was not finalised because of Candor Jasalle's threats.
The economical-political system up to 15 February will win a great lawyer, Kurti. From February 15th on, all that seemed almost collectively bad will seem good. Unrecognized civic discontent will once become punishable and immoral. All victims of educational systems in the last 5-6 decades, which make up the vast majority of the population, will be identified as victims and thoroughly examined for their competence. Unqualified labour power will be denounced, as denounced by the untily rulers. Sweetness too.
Albin Kurti suddenly poses as a leader who uses “to cast magic”, quietly suppressing his electorate's demand for serious and tangible changes that improve the standard of life.
Let's not forget the catastrophic failure of Russia's <x0ok therapy”, which promised radical economic transformation in the years of BAR90s and which included were the world's best economists, including Larry Summers. So economic plans fail even when behind them are the sharpest minds of Kurti's economy.
After all, no one can use the political drama produced by the media and Facebook, and everyone gets his individual well-being.
As for compromises in dialogue with Serbia and other major topics that seem on the horizon to differ even with the new American administration, we are not talking about at all this time. /Periscope











