Rama for Open Balkans: Serbia has agreed not to borders between Kosovo and Albania

He stresses, among other things, that it is important that Serbia has agreed that there will be no borders between Albania and Kosovo. “

DW: Mr. The prime minister has spent three years since the idea for the Balkan Mini-Shengen has been dropped, now “Open Balkan”. What do you think, is this a project that will survive after much talk about it?

Edi Rama: I am convinced that precisely why peace must survive and become irreversible forever, this project, this initiative will inevitably survive.

Usually when it comes to the Balkan Open, you have a lot of criticism, especially from Kosovo, but also from Albania itself. It seems you are betraying Kosovo by participating in a process with Serbia. It's a hot debate. How do you see this?

I don't want to comment on this. But, I mean, if it's treason to think about the future, to think about peace, to think about increased co-operation and economics, to think about social well-being and even to think about the final solution to the Kosovo issue, but then I'm a traitor, not discussed, and the traitor will fail.

How can the final issue be solved along with this process? Serbia recently made some war threats, have the problem in the north. Even in Serbia you have been criticised for attitudes then, being in such an atmosphere, does the solution seem possible? And, for example. Today in Belgrade if Kosovo were invited would it have a Kosovo flag in Serbia's government?

First of all, let's never forget that the issue of insubordination between Serbia and Kosovo I never forget that because it's a fundamental and very important issue, which means that the process of self is a difficult process and it can never be a calm process. But, on the other hand, compared with the past today really increases tensions, but the solution to the tension joints is much faster if you notice it. Just because it is this issue in the middle, I think that the open Balkans are even more important, because they are direct contributors to creating positive energy and to facilitate the process of confrontation in the fundamental sense by enabling the parties to communicate in a more positive atmosphere. And so I brought back the example of Germany and France: Final peace along with the public forgiveness of Germany came in 1969 from Chancellor Willy Brandt. While Germany and France began to communicate immediately after the war, co-operation mechanisms began to be established. And these mechanisms rose in the first place where it's easier, in economic interest. They got up in the first place where it's easier and more vital to people's everyday lives, to bread, to increase the possibilities of surviving the terrible wounds of war and to give people a perspective on their families. There is no contradiction in this, but rather: If Kosovo were present, it would have been able to first invest in this initiative, increase its economic capacities, strengthen its image as a space where it can invest for foreign investors, create guarantees for all those who invest and invest in Kosovo, be it Albanians, and thus receive some direct benefits of economic nature, while in the process of dialogue continuing to maintain its own positions that are not discussed and achieve its goal. But that doesn't exist in history, as I know it, that a conflict solution has succeeded by not using all the necessary means and not including the necessity of putting the interest of citizens as people, as family, as parents, producers, businessmen, as consumers, that's for sure.

But we cannot deny that there are problems in the Balkans Kosovo, which continues to have problems, as was the case with boxers from Kosovo who could not take part in the race because it is organised in Serbia, has concerns in Bosnia, especially in recent weeks with slightly higher and stressed tensions than in the past. Neither is Montenegro part of the open Balkans. Does this initiative seem a little idyllic, or is it just a beginning to fix problems?

I think that even the issues of conflict -- that is, the issues that show the symptoms of that conflict that are on the basis of the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo -- are issues that open to the Balkans, with continued communication, with the addressing of these other aspects -- would be addressed more positively by the parties: because the more the parties approach, the more parties to the eye, the more parties to find common interests, not in theory, but in practice, the more parties can create the definition beyond the reach of all those who define them as ethnic identities, ethnicities or religious identities, the more parties, the more to speak in a better way, the more positive address. I don't say that this is easy, but I say the opposite is impossible, I don't say that this is a magical solution, but I say that failure and extreme options are absolutely destined to lead anywhere. The same applies to Bosnia. Bosnia would certainly benefit from the open Balkans, like all who have the potential to benefit, but it would be even more relaxed if there were no border preventing movement of people, which reminds them that they are divided, reminding them that they are in a difficult economic and social situation, etc. etc. The same for Montenegro. Now I think, that everyone will come to the open Balkans that there is no other way, is the most natural thing and all the obstacles that are created and all objections are unnatural. They are obstacles to the political nature created by the political interests of the moment, not by any strategic interest and affecting the strategic interest of these countries, in my view. And, for Kosovo, I can say with conviction that Kosovo's strategic interest is threatened by Kosovo's self-compliance in the open Balkans.

Can there be good regional relations without good bilateral relations? In this case, most fear Serbia because there has been political strife and war with most of them, even now, a very uncomfortable relationship...

Fear is not a good counselor. But, I think that the political controversy of the open Balkans does not come from fear, comes from the need to fuel fear in the function of politics. It's something else.

Can it be said that you've discussed these issues with Vuciq or what did you discuss at meetings?

We discuss everything and talk very openly and we have agreed not to agree on the Kosovo issue, which I have expressed here in Belgrade. But on the other hand, I strongly believe that we Albanians have achieved much by making Serbia accept the open Balkans for six countries. You talked about the flag. The flag issue is a easily solved matter, it's not an issue that requires great hardship, because it cannot prevent the flags from moving forward such an important process. It's all settled when there's a will to be solved. What is important is that Serbia has agreed to have no borders between Albania and Kosovo. Which has been a constant promise for all of us, and it has never been realized, because just as soon as we got close to it, the whole world stood up and said great Albania and there are some who don't want to understand it and say why would Serbia take our leave? This isn't about getting permission. Here is the point of doing one thing to realize that this thing can't be done, if Serbia sets the alarm these people are making big Albania. Serbia, meanwhile, has not only given up on this, in the sense that it is not an obstacle to this, but rather is willing to accept both Kosovo and the table to talk about the purpose of the open Balkans. Now I can't understand why this opportunity should be rejected and why people who have to suffer in the first place because of their work, because of their business, because of their open Balkan movement, I can't understand.

What benefit does Albania and other countries benefit from the open Balkans? The conference mentions tourists, the economic exchange. Is progress in these relationships really evident?

It is not yet so obvious because, as you heard, changes that are necessary to realise the open Balkans have not been implemented to the end. There are still waiting at the border, still there are problems with the unification of documentation, still there are obstacles. This is a process that will take its time, it is not an easy process from that point of view even among us who agree to do it again has problems. But that's how a European space is built, so is the way the European Union itself is built. And, for us to become part of the European Union, we are doing this single school of all procedures, documents that require their time.

People in the Balkans are used to being offered one thing and another happens. In this case, the European Union is offered and remains with the Balkan Open. Is that the fear people have? Do you still believe in a stronger integration of Albania and the region?

I do not discuss that Albania and the region belong to the European Union and will be in the European Union. It's a matter of time and the European Union is in a difficult phase of its own, that we need to understand and we don't have to lose the compass from this, but we have to continue with our work. It's not about remaining in the open Balkans, but the open Balkans is the thing we need, it's not about finding ourselves jobs. But we needed it and needed it for economics, for society, for peace.

All regional co-operation had begun more strongly with the Berlin Process. Chancellor Merkel is on the run. How do you see Germany's role in integration into the European Union, but also regional co-operation?

Germany's foreign policy is not personal policy, but the policy of a very serious state that does not change, because it is changing one Chancellor to another. I don't see that there will be any change, rather, I think the new Chancellor will continue on the same line.