“The head of the Constitutional Court could become the president's U.D.”

The incumbent President Vjosa Osmani is expected to announce elections once she distributes the Parliament, and with that last move, he loses his legitimacy to maintain his current position.

Then, according to political analyst Ramush Tahiri, the clause is activated that the Kosovo president's task is to be the head of the Constitutional Court, Arta Rama.

The elections were proclaimed by Vosa Osmani after he distributed the Kosovo Assembly. So there is no parliamentary elections without the distribution of the Assembly. But when the Assembly is distributed, it also loses the position of Speaker of the Parliament, which is the basis of legalisation of Kosovo President's duty. In this case, the clause is activated that Kosovo President Arta Rama's taskman is the head of the Constitutional Court, according to the function of expressing the unity of people and institutional. Otherwise, the incumbent cannot exercise other political functions either to form political parties or to compete as deputy. I mean Vjosa Osmani if he stays in this position during the election process.”, he says.

Tahiri explains this through a text on the social Facebook network.

Full Posting:

The law is clear. Anyone sentenced to effective prison for more than six months cannot exercise the post and mandate of the MP.

The citizen who is convicted of a widow may be elected dept if there is no stopping from the court for failing to exercise public office for the appointed period.

Ethem Arifi wasn't supposed to run and be elected deputy, and a warrant was issued if he was sent by the Court to punish him with effective prison. So not the MP until they do the punishment.

We've had and have deputies of the Kosovo Parliament who are convicted and who have suffered punishment for criminal acts.
The Constitutional Court says not to be convicted for the last three years.

The Constitutional Court can rightly claim that MP Ethem Arifi lost or lost the people's election mandate when the Court's decision of Appeals's decision to punish him for criminal work at the time of effective prison has been brought to full control for one year and three months.

The court could claim the loss of mandate or failure to run and elect his deputy from the beginning.

The court in my opinion could cancel or not as in Pacolli's case, so participating and voting in the Assembly of MP Arifi.

The court cannot deal with the consequences of an action or any action resulting from the exercise of the MP's mandate. The court could not predict how the successor or deputy MP Arifi would have voted specifically in the vote to elect Government Hoti.
The court cannot cancel and has no warrant for the selection of Government Hoti.

What the court can say is the conclusion that instead of MP Arifi, the deputy should come from the same political subject as the vote list in the CEC.

In case Pacolli Court said Pacolli wasn't a choice so the selection procedures were violated, but the job and decisions in 30 days while he was in the position of the president are not cancelled because the way the choice had not affected the exercise of office.

The court is saying. This government should be in charge until the election of the new government after extraordinary parliamentary elections.

The court found out Arifi wasn't supposed to be elected, and he didn't have to follow the deputy warrant.
The court has canceled his vote for the Hoti Government.

The court has not abolished the decisions and work of Government Hoti, even though it has declared him not elected.

The court has not canceled MP Arifi's votes in both the Commissions and the Assembly meetings.

The court, although it has declared it illegal and anti-conventional candid and the election of MP Arifi, has not received the wages and wages and other benefits won during the exercise of the MP's mandate.

The court has not revoted Government Hoti now with the presence of another deputy substitute for Arifi, but the Court has found it complete under the Constitution under which the Hoti Government failed to be elected once again because it received 60 votes, not 61.
The court travels or decides that Kosovo will go to extraordinary elections within 40 days as envisioned for extraordinary elections (prematures 45 days).
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The elections were declared by Vosa Osmani after he distributed the Kosovo Assembly. So there is no parliamentary elections without the distribution of the Assembly. But when the Assembly is distributed, it also loses the position of Speaker of the Parliament, which is the basis of legalisation of Kosovo President's duty.

In this case, the clause is activated that Kosovo President Arta Rama's taskman is the head of the Constitutional Court, according to the function of expressing the unity of people and institutional.

Otherwise, the incumbent cannot exercise other political functions either to form political parties or to compete as deputy. I mean Vjosa Osmani if he stays in this position during the election process.

The Constitutional Court's decision penalises that they have no right to run Albin Kurti and several other deputies to

Vetvendosje. There are dilemmas because this ban applies to the deputy, which means it's also for the President, Prime Minister, Minister, etc.

This decision of the Constitutional Court is inconsistent and inconsistent. So it has to be applied.

This means that we have to enter into a crisis not only political but also institutional crisis of confrontation with ambivalence of mandate.. where only choices are seen as a solution.