Kosovo risks entering constitutional crisis for presidential post

As a solution to this situation, Yll Zeka from the Kosovo Institute for Justice (IKD) is seeing only the interpretation of the Constitutional Court.

He even says that the latter, in the absence of provisions, should be based on the constitutional practices of democratic countries.

This is where we have a hard escape of the Constitution in this direction, to interpret this provision, or to find a way out of this competent situation is only the Constitutional Court. In the worst case, if within six months there was no choice, whether to choose the new president or go to the election, then it is the president's duty of the president's U.e., in this case the Parliament's chairman to address the Constitutional Court for Intervention of the situation. Then the Constitutional Court in the absence of constitutional and legal provisions in the concrete case could make a decision based on the constitutional practices of democratic countries”, he says of Kosova Prees.

And for constitutional law professor Mazlum Baraliu if it happens that the president is not elected by the set deadline, it would be a deepening crisis and the failure of the political class, especially the ruling coalition.

Baraliu for Kosovo Press, says that in such a case, although it is not written in the Constitution at the helm of the country, the head of the Constitutional Court can come.

After the six-month term has passed, there is also the necessity of distributing parliament, which distributes by 2/3 of MPs or the presidential initiative. The key on the principle of analogy, I think it won't happen until that moment, because it would be fiasco, unacceptable and unprecedented failure of this political class, and especially the ruling coalition... even if there's no amount of 2/3 for distribution and readiness of this, it would mean double deepening of the crisis and extreme that I hope will not happen. At that time, it does not write tax, but it would be necessary for the president of the Constitutional Court to receive the obligations”, he said.

Unlike the first two, political analyst Arton Demhasa says that President Vjosa Osmani has the mandate only until February 2021, as long as former President Hashim Thaci should have.

According to him, if a modalisation is not resolved by that time and the president's election procedure fails, then the assembly is automatically considered distributed and the country goes to elections.

The constitution has set the deadlines, also laws on how the president's election procedure should go. A month before the current president's term expires must start the election procedures of the new president. It means that these procedures should begin in January 2021 and end at the end of February, or early March 2021. If a modalisation is not resolved by that time and the president's election procedure fails, then the assembly is automatically considered to be distributed and the site goes to elections”, Demhaja declares.

With President Hashim Thaci's resignation on November 5th, the leader of the president's office is President Vjosa Osmani.

The only ruling coalition cannot elect the president, as two-thirds of MPs' support is needed. So far, political parliamentary parties have not discussed finding a solution for the first state.