There is no final Kosovo- Serbia”

There is no final Kosovo- Serbia”

The European Union should see the possibility that on the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue platform, the final agreement should include mutual recognition, the International Crisis Group suggests in its latest autumn report. This independent organisation, which analyses conflicts in the world, however, predicts that the final solution will include major concessions, including autonomy [...]

One of the founders of this report, Giuspe Family, the leader of European Affairs in this organisation, in an interview for Radio Free Europe, said the EU should not impose restrictions on dialogue and that the United States should have a role in Kosovo's conviction to re-enlist the dialogue platform. According to him, if Kosovo agrees for broad autonomy for Serb majority municipalities, the same should apply to the Presevo Valley in Serbia.

In your organisation's latest report, the International Crisis Group, you have called on the EU to determine whether possible, the clear focus on reaching a final agreement between Kosovo and Serbia, based on mutual recognition. Do you see this as a possible scenario?

Giusppe Fame: The maneuvering space is too narrow, and as you know, diplomacy has often taken a step forward and two back because of the complexity of the matter. The key is definitely to push you towards a potential final solution. The new EU representative, Miroslav Lajcak, has announced the EU's Foreign Policy Council, which approved its strategy from the recent talks between Belgrade and Pristina, and there is a moment among Europeans that have helped achieve an evental agreement. But it is questionable whether this can be achieved quickly.

Bilanci so far remains unchanged, as the EU has a major question of mutual recognition, since such a thing is not clearly said in the mandate of the special representative. It is important to come so far to a mutual reconciliation that the agreement on normal reporting must include recognition -- the element that is difficult even for the fact that until now, five member states continue not to recognise Kosovo. Therefore, diplomacy will really be a matter.

 Do you see possible compromise achievement in Kosovo- Serbia and is there any danger that the talks will fail because of current rhetoric?

Giusppe Fame: The rhetoric does not help dialogue and the achievement of a lasting solution. One of our recommendations is for the EU to double its efforts and fight mismanagement about dialogue. There are two things that should be highlighted here. First, it must be realized that there is no solution where the complete winner will be only one side. A scenario cannot happen where Kosovo and Serbia will manage to meet their demands fully, so they will have to make concessions. The second has to do with the EU's role, which should not stop Belgrade and Pristina from identifying the potential solution itself, which may not be entirely what Brussels recommends.

In our Crisis Group report, we call on the EU to refrain from politics to prevent parties from discussing solutions, including exchange of territories. Most European countries, however, prefer another option, involving the devoluation or greater autonomy for Serb majority municipalities in Kosovo and the Presevo Valley, but so far the parties may have been for other solutions. The EU must avoid determining the outcome of the dialogue before the parties agree on solutions that may be acceptable to them.

With what you're saying, do you believe the idea of exchanging territories is still on the table? And if so, why should it be?

Giusppe Fame: From what our colleagues have identified after they have conveyed this issue closely, both sides have signaled willingness to consider alternatives, including the exchange of territories. Of course, that remains a very sensitive issue, since even the other option for the autonomy of Serbian municipalities is seen as problematic issues, especially in Kosovo. So one of the ways the EU helps is to test what the parties want and discuss the perspective of these options, without publicly rejecting everything that is not on its platform (EU).

So, according to you, there are only two options: autonomy for Serb majority municipalities and exchange of territories. But, Kosovo has so far refused to have the Association of Serb majority municipalities, with executive competence. Do you believe she will be ready for such concessions?

Giusppe Fame: Let me get back to what are the options on the table, because neither can I. But the truth is, we have analysed the options and also the public projections about what has been discussed so far in dialogue, including the many interviews we have had with different parties in Kosovo and Serbia, and of course European diplomats.

We as the Crisis Group consider it important that Kosovo and Serbia understand that they cannot achieve their goals without making concessions. In Serbia's case it is clear that concessions in this case should recognise Kosovo as an independent state. For Kosovo, if this issue goes towards an autonomy for Serb majority municipalities, then it will include great powers for Serb majority municipalities. There are some European models that can be used, like the Catalonia region in Spain, or the Trentinos-South Tyrol region in Italy. So these regions are autonomous within a state. These are some options Pristina could consider if it comes to the autonomy option.

Kosovo has clearly said it fears it and will not allow the formation of a Republika Srpska within its territory. Can the autonomy option bring destabilisation and risk of citizenship?

Giusppe Fame: I said there were other cases in other parts of Europe where systems are different, without such a scenario. But in this case, this would mean that both states agree that the areas where minorities live would offer broad autonomy. This has not only to do with Kosovo, but it must also apply to the Presevo Valley in Serbia. It is important that both countries move forward and reach an agreement, so we recommend to the EU to help as much as possible.

A Does the EU have enough power to bring the parties to a final agreement?

Giusppe Fame: In general, we are facing a delicate moment where relative convergence between the EU and the US is not as strong as it has been in the past, including attitudes for many conflicts in the world. This could change after the US presidential elections. But, in the case of Kosovo dialogue, Serbia is in their interest to be together because they share common interest in helping provide regional stability, and absolutely, can continue to work together.

Has Washington's agreement on economic normalisation helped reach a comprehensive agreement?

Giusppe Fame: My colleagues are the most expert on this issue, but what I would stress is the political role that the US can play in Kosovo's association in the re-instruction and re-elaboration of the negotiation strategy, meanwhile, the EU has the bid for integration of the entire region. These are perhaps the elements to mention when talking about incentives.

And in the end, EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell and EU envoy for dialogue Miroslav Lajcak have recently voiced themselves against artificial deadlines. How long will this dialogue process last? Could it be endless?

Giusppe Fame: I think that EU High Representative for Foreign Policy Josep Borrell's words were very optimistic when he said the agreement on dialogue could be reached within months, not years. But it is important that both sides fully engage in dialogue and eventually achieve success.

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