Radio Free Europe: What is the position of the Vetevendosje Movement regarding the idea of exchanging territories with Serbia, which is mentioned by President Hashim Thaci?

Glauk Konjufca: The first concern over the idea of President Thaci's exchange of territories concerns the surprise and haste with which this idea came to be expressed. For this reason, they did it as a sort of project, which has nothing to do with solving the Albanian issue, but rather has to do with some of President Thaci's personal calculations, perhaps even his political situation and his fear of the political future, in the sense of career and position. So it's all about power games and not about, let's say, with a real, honest project, which is the main concern of Albanians who are left out of Albania and outside Kosovo.

The government of Kosovo with the Government of Albania, so much has been committed to Albanians in the Presevo Valley that they have not been able to open even a maternity power there, which has been the deal, which has cost 100 or 200 thousand euros. States which illegally give 53m euros to private companies such as “Bechtel- Enka”, but cannot open a maternity facility in Presevo Valley, I don't now know how they want to change territories. Caring for the nation, for the Presevo Valley, must first be launched by a project that takes time for reciprocity of people's rights.

Radio Free Europe: What results do you expect from the upcoming meeting between the two presidents, Thaci and Vuciq?

Glauk Konjufca: I don't expect anything concrete, but this idea of exchange of territories can unfortunately deepen, because it has met with a direct and large, lasting opposition.

President Thaci has changed his vocabulary a little bit, not in exchange for territories, but in correcting territories. He's saying that from the real aspect of politics and how things stand currently, on the ground, by a little bit of naive and funny because he's saying the whole plan is that we take the Presevo Valley to Serbia and that's how it's going to end, Kosovo will go to Serbia on its own territory and it will take that part. Without the Kosovo Army, with these international community installations and with these positions, I think it's a bit of a joke to Kosovo citizens.

Radio Free Europe: What will be the future actions of the Vetevendosje Movement. Will you continue with tear gas and protests in the Assembly?

Glauk Konjufca: That will be rejected, President Thaci will be shown his country. Hashim Thaci can in some way be said to have privatised the dialogue with Serbia. This is unacceptable in a democratic state. When the president wakes up one morning and without warranting anyone says I'll do it all, it's really distressing.

I think there is a critical measure now of both citizens and society, but also of deputies who think President Thaci should not rely on this project. Reaching a very harmful agreement only through his mind, then I don't see any other results but riots in Kosovo and very big demonstrations that will bring President Thaci down.

Radio Free Europe: You as a party have presented a plan about talks on normalising relations with Serbia. Would Vetevendosje be ready to become part of that dialogue? What is the main condition that you get involved in dialogue?

Glauk Konjufca: The first key condition for granting dialogue a kind of conform road to the state of Kosovo would be to cut off this current dialogue. Stop this dialogue, appreciate the dialogue which has been so far, come to a conclusion about what this dialogue was? What did this dialogue bring to Kosovo? Were there errors in this dialogue? If there were mistakes, what they were and how they should not be repeated, and then a certain idea of what this dialogue is about. The dialogue with Serbia has been presented here completely by mistake. This dialogue has been presented as the condition of the international community for Kosovo to also issue compromise. I think it's wrong to present this dialogue with Serbia. Dialogue with Serbia should be explained by the prospect of the 35th chapter for the European Union entry.

Serbia is imposed that when it signs 35th chapter, it defines borders and accepts its borders by its own hand. So, with the admission of these borders, Aleksandar Vuciqi knows he has to accept Kosovo's current borders and thinks that by accepting Kosovo's current borders without giving him anything, Kosovo will lose a lot in domestic policy even there will come forces that will really challenge the position of Vuciqi within Serbia. This is the case with Aleksandar Vucciciqi personally, so he wants an agreement to sign as well as chapter 35, get something big from Kosovo. Only with this ambalage can I sell the product inside Serbia. If he doesn't have this jam, there may be problems. So he signed chapter 35 and that's all. The European Union will win the road to the European Union, but in Kosovo it will gain nothing. I think that's the right solution. Serbia has enough to win the European Union, it does not have to win both Kosovo and the European Union.

Kosovo should also create a clear political position and say to Serbia: either you will win the European Union or if you want something in Kosovo, you will declare war on Kosovo. These are two. They don't both go together. It is not easy for the European Union to win even to get Zaednica (Asciation) in Kosovo. It's not possible. In Europe of the 20th century, borders may be changed by mutual agreement, but they cannot be changed without problems even without the return of the population. Nobody, no village wants to stay on the wrong side of the border. Ceraja or Bistrica in northern Kosovo, they think to belong to the state of Kosovo, not to the state of Serbia, and to those people who have their lands there, have lived their great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great there, are autoktons, you can't negotiate with them what they're going to do. They know exactly what to do. They will resist. They will do what they can not to end up in the state of Serbia. Four thousand Albanians live in northern Kosovo, 60 thousand Serbs live in southern Kosovo, and that is not solved by pencil.

Radio Free Europe: So far, no political parties' platform for talks in Brussels has found favour and no unification of opposition actions. Are opposition parties doing enough to change the course of talks?

Glauk Konjufca: With these actions being made by the political regime, it is narrowing the scope of democratic, institutional action. When in the Parliament of Kosovo we currently have a resolution, which says the prime minister should lead the talks and the president of the ozpon, what else can you do? You can give a speech in the Kosovo Assembly, but where there are the limits of institutional logic of action and democratic borders of political action.

The people can see that this makes no sense anymore, and I think that in autumn we are entering a new phase of political discontent, which you see in institutional action, in the inefficiency of democracy and institutions you will see a kind of indomitableness, and the people will not agree with this inefficiency and power will try to show in the form of discontent with demonstrations and protests that have already begun.