What Djindjic's Plan said about Kosovo, and is the same being implemented now

Djindjic's plan, which was killed in 2003, provided several points for Kosovo.

Kosovo brings the documents and contents of this plan, titled “The strategy for Kosovo and Metohija (KiM)”.

It describes the report with Kosovo and Serbia in several phases, as well as processes.

Read fully Zoran Djindjic's December 2002 plan for Kosovo.

Current process and reliable epilogue

The current process in Kosovo and Metohija (in the text below according to original “KiM” is basically defined with Resolution 1244 and the constitutional framework, since concrete issues (for example, the international status of KiM in different situations and troops) are decided by the case in case, but in accordance with the spirit of these documents. The breath of these documents is based on denial of any link between Serbia and KiM, this fact is understood by the daily management of international structures in KiM.

While Resolution 1244 allows for the possibility of state compromise (speaking of AUTONOMIN), the constitutional framework pays off any ties with Serbia and Yugoslavia.

The international community in 1999 took all competencies to KiM, with official reasoning that I will exercise these competencies until the compromise solution is found, the ultimate solution. However, the real process (real) develops so that these competencies are gradually transferred to KiM structures, and at the speed with which these structures can cope. When this process of conveying competencies is completed, there will be no competence left for Belgrade that could be discussed if these talks were to be initiated at all. Meanwhile, Serbs are being placed in KiM institutions, prompting this whole concept to create the illusion of political legitimacy.

What should Serbia do?

Clearly, waiting is the most expensive option. Even if for several years the situation in KiM will improve (“standards before status”), this will be taken as evidence that the independent KiM institutions are functioning. If the situation remains the same, it will affect the removal of Serbs further. In both cases the likelihood of an independent state across KiM territory grows. That is why Serbia must move the political initiative.

The basis of this initiative should be the requirement for Serbia's rights and interests in KiM to be clearly defined in this very stage, as well as for the protection mechanisms of the Serb community's rights in KiM.

This decisive initiative will first surprise and grieve the international community, but will force it to have consistent policy towards Serbia and KiM.

The first step in this tactic is to impose the theme. The independent state of KiM will more easily be created in darkness and in silence. As soon as the light comes on and open discussions begin, our chances increase.

The first concrete requirement we should insist on is the return of the military and police contingent, which is in advance with Resolution 1244. We have to look for the exact date of return. Few would likely that requirement will be implemented, but with the insistence on this requirement, we create space for other demands.

When the international community is clear from our activism, all will realize that Resolution 1244 is not being implemented only in parts that protect the interests of Serbia and Serbs, while the constitutional framework is based only on elements that protect Albanians, and that is being implemented.

So the other logical requirement is: change, or at least correction of the constitutional framework.

This may be required at a time when the prior validity of the constitutional Framework is also expired. Because Resolution 1244 is not being implemented, because with the implementation of the constitutional framework, the situation is not improving enough (only 2% of those followed) we have the right to seek some new mechanisms of normalisation of the situation.

Our Idea

What we're looking for in the new constitutional framework is:

Constitutionality (in the original: “constinct”, constitutional dimension, observation of the Serbian community in KiM.

This constitutionality would manifest itself in the form of KiM federalisation, accepting Serbian entity as a political factor, which has its institutions through which the Community fulfills its right. According to this concept, the KEM's political system would be based on the co-operation of the Albanian and Serbian entity, with which each entity would achieve its rights through its own institutions, compatible among them. Common interests would be realised in joint bodies (like the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ BH/ ).

The new concept should include Serbia's right to regular relations with Serbian entity, as well as efficient mechanisms to protect cultural and religious monuments.

Also, the part of legislation with which Albanian entity implements autonomous rights must be in line with EU standards.

This federalised KiM would accept Serbia in a kind of asymmetrical connection (more than the province, less than the republic).

Possible Consequences

If the international community and Albanians accepted this proposal, for the next few years the ability of this concept would be tested. The essence of this would be that during this period Serbia and the Serbs would have their <x0th> golden selection” in KiM, without which and against which no significant decision could be made.

First of all, however, Albanians -- and then most of the international community -- would oppose our proposed concept.

In this case Serbia would require internationalisation of the issue. If KiM moves towards independence and if we can't stop it, we have to ask;

·Tritorial Divide

·Efficient international guarantee for Serbs remaining in the Albanian part and

· Special Statistics of Religious Objects

What to do in the meantime

Meanwhile, local autonomy in KiM should be worked on. Because this concept has been accepted by the international community, it must be used to create the network of local Serbian structures (local leaders, local community connections, villages, etc)

Serbian deputies in KiM institutions must begin with energetic opposition, supporting that the constitutional framework has not brought the promised results, that Resolution 1244 has not been implemented, and that new solutions are required in the direction that was clarified in our concept, that of KiM federalism.

All our officials in international contacts should stress these issues.

We must adopt some members of the Security Council and as many Western governments as possible.

Western influential media (as: Der Spiegel in Germany, NYTimes and Washington Post in the United States etc.

Conclusion

Last time we start the decisive action. The main reason is how power we should definitely determine state interests and rights in KiM.

There are other reasons. Negotiations for the community of Serbia and Montenegro have been completed. Work in Serbia's new Constitution awaits us. In which at least in principle it should be known what Serbia's sovereignty is. Eventually, the KAM constitutional framework deadline expires soon, which will result in some kind of declaration of independence. Also awaiting us are republican elections in Serbia, with whom we dare not allow the KiM theme to become the prey of demagogues and people.