Enver Hasani Says Attacked Just as Jews Were Attacked

In a long writing on his Facebook profile, former head of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo Enver Hasani has been dealing with a series of issues to protect his personality, writes Periscope.

Hasan has attacked media, former post-election coalition V LAN, Behgjet Pacol, Berat Buzhala, O. RCA, and Albulen Haxhiu of the Vetevendosje Movement.

Hasan's writing is very personalizing, and in many cases the comparisons he makes are inadequacy and sometimes even ridiculous.

He has called any criticism against him part of a campaign of discreditment, similar to that of the Nazis against the Jews. So Hasan does not hesitate to compare himself with an entire population of 6 million of whom were killed by Hitler's Nazis.

. In a word, the atmosphere for and around me, which was created after the end of the mandate, was similar to the atmosphere of the Jewish analysis following Hitler's coming to power, so that even the making up of accusations and relatives against me could become free: the created climate and the vocabulary used against me has been non-refutable since then and never the harsher one has ever been in the region against any public function.

This is Mr. Hasani:

Enver Hasani

Compics ' Letter

The ventilious articles of the two constitutions, that of Vajmar and the Constitution of Kosovo, V LAN and debaranisation of the Kosovo political scene.

At a conference on genocide in international law, held in the United States, a year after Dayton, out of six thousand works presented in abstract form, only six were for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Canadian William Shabas, a friend of mine, had shown this story in the book Genocide in International Law, which I had translated into Albanian, a masterpiece of this world for genocide. He told me this story. Shabas while I was in Chicago as Fulbright's researcher and legalist at Northwestern University. We had been discussing over and over the “because” of this world's indifference about the Bosnian genocide, which was still fresh in the human memory of time. This, perhaps, may seem ironic, has a perfectly rational explanation, as is the genocide itself the result of rationalising interethnic relations in a completely morbyd direction. This explanation, which applies to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to all other peoples who have suffered genocide at human hands, had been given in the last days of the Cold War, Zygmunt Bauman, in his music work Modernity and the Holocaust. This author had confirmed that modern socialization, making order rankings and classification of categories between the two world wars, had been able to convert Jews into pre - quality disfellowshipped and European categories defined by sociologists and modern sociologists. This kind of rational Morbyd procedure, which results and aims at excluding diversity, repeats every time and in any society when efforts are made to establish social order at any cost, without any consideration for existing diversity, whatever it is.

This had been the case with European sociologists of the time before Hitler's coming to power, who had been obsessed with ranking and classification of races and anything else in a hard way: this strain had made Jews, culture, and race inevitable, pushing them down into a inferior order, as an inappropriate, incompatible, and unadvisable with the superiority of other European cultures. Ironically, these sociologists were more French and others than Germans - it turned out that Hitler only executed, in the name of the Germans, a modern - day Morbyde spiritual and mental condition. What would later become synonymous with the conservation and spread of this mood, the propaganda of the villages of Potemkin or gebelsian propaganda, was designed and reached its peaks precisely on the rightfulness and eternity of categories and sociological order built by modern, largely non-German sociologistry. So had the Serbian and Croatian sociologistship with Bosnia and Herzegovina Muslims over the decades of the existence of the former Yugoslavia: while Croats had kept this largely at personal levels of secret political and intellectual circles, Serbs this classification and this inferior ranking of Muslim Bosniaks and Albanians had established it to an institutional level in 1986.

After genocide, both Jews and European Muslims, this product of modernity, the justice system, as well as the product of modernity, will be one of the main instruments by which the explanation of the Holocaust and genocide, the discrimination of Muslim Jews and Bosniaks - the jurists, in the German case, will later blame a Article of the Vajmar Constitution, Article 48, viewing it as a real cause for the empowering of Hitler and remaining in power. That article, later, was named as Article <x0ventil” of this constitution, because it gave German Chancellor the right to lawmakers without Rahstag's consent in terms and circumstances of war and a state of emergency. The essence of the problem, however, was quite different: the cause of Hitler's coming to power and his empowerment was precisely the sociologist of modernity and propaganda that Hitler had used to build the theory and practice of eliminating those who did not fit the order and sociological categories of his Nazi ideology. This sociologist and propaganda built on it both appealed to the elimination of Jews from European public and cultural life because they were viewed as an obstacle and inappropriate to the order of time and the categories with which it operates. Hitler only shaped this effort, or, as reported in the people, it took away the evil of others (Europeans).

Article 64 of the Kosovo Constitution, “ventili” Kosovo, which sanctions a practice built in Kosovo since the day of the first free elections, was not seen due to the empowerment and power strengthening of the PDK and its expectations structures, but a Constitutional Court decision known as “ratti VLAN” That, it was, it wasn't, and it couldn't be accurate. This has an explanation related to a personal history of the author of these lines. A week before the 2014 National Election, at the “Pishat” restaurant in Pristina, exactly on the last Sunday of the election campaign, we had stayed at a friendly dinner with at least four top LDK officials who had expressed their concern about the potential administrative depreciation of the election outcome by PDK and its allies, in case of a Maggy victory of the LDK, as they all expected at that time, including this author. I had told them in summary that such a thing could happen, because the dance for the inauguration of institutions should lead every time the relative winner of the elections, respectively, that no constitutional resolution can take place after the CEC's proclamation of elections: as far as the status of the relative winner of the election for the purposes of opening the central bodies the situation cannot change administratively with contoural political rerun. I told them my opinion and explained that I had made this public a year ago in my Coautor book, the Committee of the Constitution of Kosovo, financed by the German GIZ. They asked me for this book, and I gave it to them that very night. None of them had the slightest idea of the V concept LAN: On the contrary, they feared that the PDK would play such a game by overturning the announced election outcome outside the ballot boxes, thus sabotaged the constitutional route of inaugurating the new central organs after the national elections. One of those at dinner that night, when the LDK went into the masquerade known as the V The LAN, from which the LDK emerged the biggest winner just by relying on the Constitutional Court's ruling, sometimes said in the media: “ver Hasani took us to the neck that came to power with PDK” (like). The first time I've ever heard someone curse someone who takes power for nothing! The poisonous atmosphere was left behind while the VLAN became history: offensive groups were formed at the Jurydical Faculty, in some part of the media, as if they were meat and bone tied to the PDK and had indefinitely advanced in favor of the Constitutional Court's ruling. VLAN, special programs against me, based entirely on unequivocal and arbitrary information, were told about me things I had never heard of in my life. The whole situation was similar to the description that Stefan Cwag makes at Joseph Fuché regarding the 1789 French Constitutional Assembly: there, says Cwag, were sitting with the clergy with the killer, the thief teacher, the lawyer with the fraud. A great deal of what was said in the media against me was done, ad blindness, the text of the indictment in the so-called “falsification of the signing”, for which it was honored to be declared with pleasure even the head of ASHAK. It was found, the indictments were raised when I completed my mandate as head of the first generation of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo, then that “findings on both occasions had started on just April 14, 2015, when I had signed the final decision in the quality of the mayor, giving the State Chief of State the right to take the decree to Kosovo's chief of state, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga. The climate of my expulsion from the order and the new classification being done was perfect: only the last hitter was required. Before that happened, there were three things that this perverted hysteria with the VLAN took to the point of the boil. The first, and above all, extracting the video of a “yze” masked with its head to a wall on Ramush's side and Ardian Djind, a streetman under any level for each layer and social category and criminology in the Balkan region. My neutrality in public and in the police, even though I knew it, ended in silence, in the moral drawers of Kosovo society based on rule “a snake that doesn't eat me, let it live a hundred years”! Second, it was unforgiving and there was some compromise of professional norms by some young law faculty colleagues whom I had promoted precisely because of my conviction that they had knowledge and, therefore, courage to protect the basics of the profession at any time and in every human situation. These colleagues, as miserable, stood up and lied and said that the Constitution of Kosovo, and its famous Article 64, could produce a majority that could be transformed after elections for initial purposes without any constitutional difficulties. They never explained to those who recommend to this day what the proportional electoral system in Kosovo will mean, where 20 percent of the vote is not the 100 percent quota, and where much related to the essence of the problem born in Kosovo after the national elections has its source right there. In fact, I've said, and I'm saying again, that Article 64 of the Constitution of Kosovo, unlike Article 48 of the Vajmar Constitution, constitutes the most noble ventilary of democratisation and debarisation of the Kosovo political scene and such will be remembered in the constitutional history of modern Kosovo. I have had the special honour and privilege that I have interpreted with a modest but influential vote, this article of the Constitution of Kosovo in the spirit and spirit of contemporary constitutional democracy. Third and last, several colleagues from the Jurydical faculty, from the oldest generation, exploiting the situation and poisoned atmosphere “vlan”, attacked me with unfair and dishonest means: became with corrupt prosecutors up to the marrow and helped orchestrat the charges against me, I had brought them to Jurydic and had been named sacred to them and their parents. Another co-worker of the Jurydical faculty came out openly and said presumption of innocence is nothing and that shame for Kosovo who represents it in the Venice Commission. The same colleague, on behalf of his profession, said earlier that immunity is nothing and that regular courts can decide for him. He said that on behalf of knowledge of power sharing. Imagine, these professors teach our children, they shape them with knowledge that no one else on either side of the Atlantic. Greed to be in the Venice Commission is completely legitimate, because it is among the world for the knowledge of the profession of the modern lawyer. This, however, should not blind anyone - unbridled greedyness leads to self - destruction. In a word, the atmosphere for and around me, which was created after the end of the mandate, was similar to the atmosphere of the Jewish analysis following Hitler's coming to power, so that even the making up of accusations and relatives against me could become free: the created climate and the vocabulary used against me has been non-refutable since then and never the harsher in the region against any public function.

The nature and color of Kosovo crime

An Albanian folk proverb says: “Behanja of the sceptre, a spoon of towien”. This statement well describes the nature of the current Kosovo crime, gradually installed after June 1999 by war gods. Crime and victims in Kosovo are markedly different from the crimes and victims of other former communist countries in transition. Criminologists and victimologists who have closely observed and who have analyzed the distinction, on thick lines, have found that it consists of very violent nature and without any intellectual or philosophical level of Kosovo gods' crime. It took time for this state of the nature of crime and the Kosovo victimisation of “butt”: entry into the Russian school political scene, of Baci, whom late Ibrahim Rugova had never wanted to meet, gave a better colour to war-lords' crime, whose results were best seen in the vicinity of “Grand Pristina<5> Hotel, as well as with the brilliant splendor of the former press building, the Tower of New Kosovo Crime, which is brought to us from the end to a Russian model's effect after the war. Baci, said otherwise, changed the color of the crime to the gods of war, making it deeper on the surface, more discrete crime, and the crime victims gave a false intellectual flavor because it disqualified crime and the victim in a political, linguistic, ethnic, and religious way: the first, the owners of war, taught them that the stolen money should no longer be brutally divided by the measure of meters or kilograms, as they had done until then, but they had to count one by one because, as Muslims, they must count it to the last cent. Otherwise, Baci taught them to sin. This lesson had been given to Albanians from Russia to educate the Muslim element in Ottoman Europe following Tanzimat's reforms. In addition to the qualitative “reform at the nature of the crime, Baci's Russian school felt even in Kosovo's victim, in Kosovo's voter -- now the voter should not be without dignity and unidentity, as it had been until the theft of the vote suppressed the appearance of any social, ethnic, linguistic and, above all, religious identity and diversity. In particular, according to Bacci, this last identity had to be awakened from sleep, had to be conscious of its vote and power, which could only be done through effective election campaigns through Kosovo mosques, built mainly by Serbian and Russian allies in postwar Kosovo. This campaign necessarily brought clear messages to the sausages that power in Kosovo and its capture would not be an impossible and difficult thing if proven. This crime protection technology and the victimisation of Kosovars did not present any difficulties for Bacci, who just went on the road with Milosevic during the last war in Kosovo, when Kosovo and its citizens appeared to be giving their last breath. Baci, therefore, threw the “laugh with tow on the scratch of Kosovo crime”, changing the nature and connotation of the past. That's why we're not going to talk about it at all, because others in front of me have been talking about a great and more intelligent competence. A little later, we will consider Batz mediamen and others who swim for his benefit and pleasure.

Kazakh Borat and Kosovo Borat, URKA and February Palvata

When a person is attacked for no special reason, he is likely to learn to find real reasons, not visible, for attacks. Not rarely are they anchored into objective factors outside the subjective will of the specific man who attacks, hiding in the person's own phenotype. As it is known, the formation of a person as a phenotype requires the study and analysis of social structures and forces within them that affect the final formation of the individual. In the context of Kosovo, it means studying the Kosovo village in the wake of our NATO liberation and transforming this village into intensive contacts with urban environments during the postwar years. This contact of the Kosovo village with the stressed-out town under the intensively depressed rule of the Milosevic regime provides the explanation of the phenotype of the so-called Kosovar elite, which was created after the war and similar in every respect to what Radomir Konstantinovic, the renowned Yugoslav philosopher and the country's first post-modern, described as the people of Pallanca, pallacians. Those individuals, the philosopher, are described as people who are neither from the village nor from the city and who are formed as a kind of social germs, paraorganisms that teach them to lead real social life by destroying the existing life over which they strongly try to instill their new identity. While people, throughout history, have been able to do such a thing, to instill their identity in another widespread identity, in an individual plan, it cannot happen: what, in fact, happens, represents the creation of a hybrid identity that cannot cancel the existing bar code, physically carving it on another face, whose silus he charms with contempt in his original, making it appear ridiculous in my social behavior and in my habitat. To escape this second identity, peacocks usually take the junk from artists in art, literature, social networking, medicine, and so on. Above all, these people take on the shit of collective identity, trying to escape from their violently built collective identity over the decades of interaction with other collectives with which the placards have been forged into co-existence. All the strain they do to show that it's not what they look like. They do so by focusing on their appearance and physical external gesture, putting aside the cultural solidarity of their goals. This lack of culture in their behavior and their dry appearance, such as the case with Borat, makes a person firmly convinced when he hears it speak of a species of Gallapago Island that has undergone rapid transformation and has taken a greater space than it belongs to him. People are prone to give way to these peacocks - circumstances that they skillfully use to root out new cultural habitats while they themselves have long developed. For self - help users who do not want to leave their origins and who try to build a real identity based on their cultural skills, the case of the comic documentary Borat is more instructive.

Borat, an intellectual product of Kosovars' agricultural processes during the parallel system, that education system that we deprogram to this day, in a social sense belongs to social forces that have ravaged civilization and superior culture throughout human history. It belongs to those social forces that Carl Marx described as idiots, but that Lenin, being such himself, had greatly appreciated the force's transforming strength and potential. When their style had come to power in Albania after 1945, the first job they had done had been to urinate in expensive vases golden in the field of Ahmet Zogu's royal palace, just as their brothers in St. Petersburg had done after the October Revolution. These modernity creatures, however, cannot be explained and explained without the concepts of postmoderna. I've learned that since I was a student, when I had the most beautiful book in that former Tito Yugoslavia, referring to Serbian society, but other societies that were dominated by the regid structures of the Yugoslav village. I'm referring to “Filozofia Palanke”, the aforementioned author Radomir Konstantinovic, the book that will later serve as the measuring parameter and as the Westerner's reference point of explaining the true face of Serbian nationalism and the real cause of the destruction of the former Yugoslavia: the village, Westerners said, referring to the theoretical post-modern concepts of Radomir Costinovic, presents the factor that has destroyed Yugoslavia. Archers from Pallanca, R. Konstantinovic naturally identifies them as ideal - style people of pure and soul - stricken tribal poverty, where he reigns a closed - standard theater but intends to impose others. Similarly, among Albanians Eqrem Bey Vlora had made in his memoirs, citing the system that the placards had produced in 1845 as a folly of equality.

Coming from the remote villages of central Kosovo, Borat, with an aesthetic view of the formation forms of Galapago Island, as if he wanted to find a place under the empire of the new Kosovo sun through the capture of the wealth put in hand as a pre-war, just as the Middle Ages aristocracy had done under Ottomans, which so beautifully describes Eqrem Vlora in his upper work. While the medieval Albanian aristocracy, created by violence and by the prey of war, had stabbered itself into the Ottoman hierarchy thanks to the courage and bravery won savagely through Albanian alps, whose aristocracy belongs to Borat, there are structural defects that are inexplicable to the time in which we live: in a social environment, where the status gained through automotive machines and transformation fraud can hardly preserve the stability of the status acquired in the same way because of numerous claims of the same level as Borati. This, otherwise, implies that the competition of members of the same social structure by measuring the flexible external appearance of silver buttons with bandages placed on square shirts does not give the taste of a new Kosovo aristocracy. Quite the opposite: such competition, defiling in private television stations created with prey taken from services performed in behalf of the new aristocracy, which was established at the time of Russian transformation, produces nothing more than a digital harmony in Kosovo's public space. This dyscope, where cultural surroundings are abstract, actually suits and does not betray the Gallopagian appearance of Borat and his friends. In this respect, Borat's role is irreplaceable: just like in the film “Borat”, in which a character, through a self-financed documentary, manages to split the path to success and into the real role comical film anals without any artistic interference. This became possible precisely as a result of playing the natural role of a Kazakh man who goes to America to gain American culture and its way of life. In this effort, Borat must learn what the LGBT community is, interethnic tolerance and freedom of expression and thought in a tolerant society like America. He just needs to get out of his Kazakh identity, from the original identity of the peacock. Nobody takes Borat seriously, and this is the essence of the success of his documentary. When he returns to his homeland in Kazakh, Borat brings along many achieved by informative technology and a few cultures, which he sums up in two words: converting to Christianity as an ideology, which in the condition of Kazakh can only be done with violence and blood, because baptism in his country means killing heretics. In that sense, there is great similarity to Kosovo, when Kosovo's Borat tells us about prosytelism, but as a model it has Europe, which you see completely as papare, as you see each cross with the eyes of a Catholic drunk from alcohol. Similarly, Kosovo's Borat sees Muslims in Kosovo and radical Islam, who wrongly thinks it feeds the idea of Iran and Palestine. Saudi Arabia, as a friend of the Kazakh Borat idol, is not viewed by Kosovo Borat as a problem, as all the wrongdoings of political Islam come from this country's royal court.

When doing the analysis of the psychological profiles of Kosovo's personalities, Borat is no less confused than when he speaks of Islam: The author of these lines has done such tests, as he has done to others, so gray and deep that the only identity left in the object of the snowscope analysis is ethnic. No other aspect, which the author of these lines makes distinctive in the Kosovo society and the wider part of it is left unabated, so without getting into the Bortesk-style purification mechanism. Neither I, nor anybody, however, has ever taken Kosovo's Borat seriously, as they don't take his model double in Kazakh, because the two have come out of their own skin, rather than stay where they've been geographically: a cultured, part of the social regid structure of the remote Kazakh village/kosovar. In fact, Kosovo's Borat may be fortunate and very soon its village could become a rich industrial area if those who bombed Serbia financed major projects for burning in the huge depths of Kosovo coal, just above the village where Kosovo's Borat has its identity, deep and inconsistent, identity for which Radomir Konstantinovici says it is neither a village nor a city and proves to live by strict norms.

Not far from the two snows are some who lead the so-called urban elite of Kosovo higher education, gathered around a “-student organisation” fanatic, but with an obvious media identity. I'm talking about an ORKA, which, when they told me they were asking for my exemption from the university, I was amazed. I said to myself, "What do you want?" IS IT me? I had wondered what connection W had IT IS at Pristina University! Above all, I couldn't for a moment understand how it was possible that W IT WAS known to the Constitution of Kosovo and to presumption of innocence, code of ethics and other things that told me that they had told the public the day that they made the public charge of the total invisitual nature and with clear intention of my arbitrary and primitive lynching (like!). I thought it was, just as well, the famous movie, five times nominated for Oscar and winner of several international awards, with Colin Farrell, Ed Harris, Andy Garsia and others in major roles. I'm referring to the movie “The Way Back”, based on a true event of escape from the Siberian Gulglu of eight intellectuals of different nationals, imprisoned by Stalin in 1941. Colin Farrell, who plays a Moscow punk from Stalin's time called Valka, is part of the URK's stone. Valka helps eight fugitives to survive the Siberian winter with a single knife. Valka's group of intellectuals joined in saving its skin from U Gullag's rockets, which he was in debt to because of the gambling he played with in Gullag. At the time before Gullaku's departure, Andy Garcia, who plays the role of Aristcrat Khobarov, is asked by the imprisoned Polish officer who they are U n The RKA that was there in Gullag enjoyed a privileged status and were acting as its effective managers. Actor Khobarov explains that intellectuals are debtors and, as a result, enemies of the Soviet people and state, and U. RKA is a product of bourgeois and, therefore, friends of the Soviet people and state. That is why, says artist Khobarov, explains why they are allowed to be the heads of parallel power in Gullag. At the top of the pyramid of this parallel URKA power was the leader called P AKHAN, due to which Valka is forced to flee along with eight of Gullag's intellectuals.

On the way, running through Siberia with severe relief and harsh climates, the fugitives meet a woman, Sayerse Ronan, who plays Irena, and after much hesitation, they take her with them. She lied about being a co-operative in Warsaw while Ed Harris playing Mr. Smith tells him Varshava was under German occupation, not Soviet. This, however, is not all: on Valka's birthday, Irene sings a song that Valka alone can accompany, who tells others that Irene is not of the co-operative but of Moscow's plebe, part of the URKAV. When Valka asks where he knew this fact, he shows that the lyrics are his NOOKA, Moscow punks. In the end, Irene tells the truth, belonging to a family of Polish intellectuals who had fled to Moscow to train for the world professional revolution, but that Stalin had killed her parents at the time of the mid - 1930 ' s cleansing, and this and had sent her to the orphanage. Raised in the streets with all the intellectual baggage and with the knowledge of some foreign languages, Irene had ended up in the desert of Soviet Moscow. After this current reflection on the movie in question and the URKA, I realized that it wasn't about the criminals of Moscow. However, when I asked who it was Their PAKHAN, as Valka calls the Mosskov leader of URKA, told me he is the son of a former professor of mine, one of the best intellectuals the Albanian world has ever had on all sides of the border. I felt sorry, as I have felt so sorry for him many times, but not for the reasons that many times here are in his nose Kosovo's PAKHAN: I am sorry, and many times I feel sorry for him, who is not likely to be my male parent, my former professor and the best intellectual that the Albanian world has had, but it is in a completely different respect, not for its intellectual properties, but for the skill of the deceased for the intrigue and the background.

So I remember that at speed the Way Back”, when they told me about this public lynch link, he turned me into incredible associations and memories as follows! Except what they had to do with W The RKA and the parallel life in Gullag reminded me of another quality of the Iren of the film: while she is, in essence, a good intellectual, forced into the street by Stalin, and that in the movie all the time, this intellectualism seems like a street for the purpose of surviving with the group of fugitives from Gullag, PAKHAN's PAKAN of Kosovars does the opposite: it plays the intellectual role to hide the true identity of a street. This is not just public presentation when it says the constitutional presumption of innocence is nothing and endlessly covets the Venice Commission, or when in the name of the division of powers it teaches the public that courts should decide on the immunity of constitutional judges, but also the time I started my university educator's career. These thoughts of the moment when O I WAS looking for my head, raised memories of the time of my coming to the Jurydical faculty in the past year 1987, and reminded me of the way Irena and some others came there a year later.

At the time it was an assistant competition at the Law School, it was a tremendous competition. Later, he told me himself. Faik Brestovci, the man I owe most in this life for my establishment and intellectual formation. Professor Faik was interrogated by police methods, not rare for the time, parents of one of the counterCandids for assistants at the Law School. This parent is remembered as among Kosovo's demonstrators because he had served as a staunch warrior against the nationalism of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia. This situation today is very easy to prove if the Kosovo daily “'s political column is viewed after the golden spring of 1981. The parent-dweller, the columnists made in the name of Albania's humiliation as a communist and isolated state, but would do the same with pleasure even if Ahmet Zogu had been in power. He, along with many others, had testified after Fadil Hoxha's fall from power, the last communist leader in whose time the Albanians in the former Yugoslavia were affected by the strongest rays of Enlightenment and concentration, compared to every other time in the past. Albania's scathing, which continued until the collapse of Kosovo's autonomy, took place to gain as deep as possible roots in the communist power structures already being identified with Serbian hegemonism that was being strengthened daily and more after the 1981 demonstrations. This account, whose partner had been a devout member of Serbia's communist Central Committee, thus not of Kosovo or of the former Yugoslavia, had called him to informative talk with the intention of threatening prof. Faik, hoping he'd force him to accept his child as an assistant, not me. Deal, prof. Faik, among the most knowledgeable and honest people who had Pristina University, had fundamentally rejected such an approachURKO-list, proposing me to assistant. After much effort, of the same nature as in prof case. Faik, the parent-stableov has managed to bring the child to the Jurydical faculty: when it was accepted, along with another similar assistant, all Albanians have been opposed. Only Serbs, and some Albanians who had decided until the end, were loyal to the folly dominated by Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic, voted for the acceptance of the Kosovo child Jodanov, as well as another candidate with a completely the same cultural and moral stof. That's the moment I remembered, Irene and her life with URKO, which looked like my counterCandidate to assistant the day we were The RKA with their PAKHAN had stood up to counter any human, ethical, legal and constitutional rule. To be even more convincing, U n The RKA had taken with them a Pristina street lawyer to make the twist and twist of the code of ethics, human morality, law and constitution, on behalf of a cleanup of Pristina University by the unawares of the order that URCO has been trying to impose around us. The same people, in the name of university reform, the quality of knowledge, science and Puritan education, promoted on behalf of reform, installed reactors and violent deans that had taken their scientific and academic degrees right in the middle of Pristina, with the URKA of the streets of Pristina, five thousand square metres, in the triangle that runs from Mensa of Students and goes down the northeast along Agim Ramadan and Mother Teresa Street to finish at the Parliament of Kosovo and the Rock Mosque.

In the grouping of the Zilots, who marched against me, Albulen also includes me. Their number has been few, as far as the fingers can be counted: one from the presidency, one from the government, three or four from the Juridical faculty, such as the mediocrical staff, one from the AKSHA, two from the portalist media (Edi Rama Press), and the short-like MP Palvata. That's it. Yet, their mediocre noise and organization, as would name this F. Nietzsche, they've been flashy ringing at the same time.

Every time I've heard Albulena revile me and curse me, I've been reminded of the first months of the Albanian Cultural Revolution at the height of the Cold War and the icon of that revolution, February Palvata. A girl coming from the depths of Kukesi villages, at the height of her ideological zeal, by chance dies in a co-operative action in southern Albania, to give Albanian socialism a postponement to Abis from which she never emerged until Ronald Reagan hadn't dried up her roots where she was born in Moscow. The zeal of February became a symbol of a new spirit, a folly that spared nothing to serve blindly a political agenda that neither knew nor had the slightest idea of its ultimate purpose. For February, poetry and drama, novels and novels were said and things that had been and had not been by people of art and culture, including the late Dritro Agoll. Anni that February had not even had the slightest idea of ideology, on whose behalf she gave her life, she, however, became a symbol of her and of the Albanian female political movement that blindly serves the system. In the external manifestation, Albula and her behavior toward me these years were very much like the short behaviour of Palvata, dreaming of a world revolution and microborganeous obstacles that advanced on her journey towards the ideological dystopi of the time. On the basis of this palvatian design, Albulen apparently found reasons to comfort herself and her diskurs with a severe lack of intellectual calories. The real reasons, however, are much more personal, very little ideological and entirely for pragmatic purposes. It does not matter that the form of manifestation of its irrational aggression towards me is far different from its social origin, palvatian, rigid and closed, self-referential to absurd, which is seen by the poor dictionary with which it operates, and by the very simple sentences that come out of its mouth, whether it comes to rule of law, market economy, organised crime, women's rights, equality and non-compliance of minorities and so on.

The first reason has to do with the VLAN session, where Albulen had represented his political subject: my strange look during the session had wrongly tried toʹi says not to talk nonsense about the professional side on whose behalf he was sitting in the session. He spoke indiscriminately about legal aspects and gave me deep compassion and sorrow for the profession we both belonged to. The second reason, apparently, is related to the advice she gets on judicial and constitutional issues constantly by people I raised and brought to the Universities. Convinced that they are learned in the profession, I had wrongly hoped that such would be in intellectual courage, that they would tell the truth about Article “til” of the Constitution of Kosovo, regardless of whether there are a majority. In fact, the history of the solidarity of human knowledge clearly reveals that those who have been righteous each time were few. That's what I believed Albulena's advisors would be following. I was wrong! Not only did they not do this but also in major matters, such as forging a law enforcement exam for the State Chief, they advised Albulen, evidently to stand by and hold the course against me, then it is an important state organ for the new state, whose puritanisation Alboulena claims to protect. Following the advice of these colleagues can only be fatal and tragic for Albulana itself: found between Scylla and Charybdis, amid the preservation of the ideological purity of the zolot and the exploitation of the revenge complexes against me, its public commitment did nothing but disseminate the naive figure of socialist heroin, February Palvata, but with a fundamental distinction: as long as February served as a model of the communist female, a female woman who believes indefinitely in an ideology system, Alblena does not believe in what she says. Albulen knows very well that there can be no two states captured in Kosovo, one who persecuted me and the other who condemned him, but only one or none: ironically, the same prosecutors who have followed him and her kind, have represented the charges initiated on the same day against me; the chief prosecutor who has a record of the test of deeply forged jurisdiction and who has orchestrated, through the Kosovo Police, false witnesses against me, a former constitutional judge and a university rector, has administered and turned off evidence that condemns Albus and others.

I understand that Albulana's advisers have the interest and media benefit of dealing with me because they see me as a serious obstacle to their “excellence <x1nd) in the profession, as I understand Hashim and his interest in having a profile like Albula in politics. The latter, Albulena, however, does I not understand what is on this day (like)?