Turning Brex into a celebration of democracy

An endless discontent nears Britain. Both Brex's supporters and opponents are equally desperate. Her Majesty's government and the labist opposition are equally divided. The UK is deeply divided between a eurofile Scotland and a Eurosceptic England, among pro- English cities. EU (including London) and anti cities - The EU, coastal and northern. Neither the working class nor the ruling class can join behind any of Brex's options. Is it any wonder that so many Britons are concerned and betrayed by their political system?

Yet, paradoxically, even though the current breakup of Brex is dangerously charged, the British must welcome it. Since 1945, the European issue has put at least eight other fundamental questions aside for Britain about itself, its political institutions, and its country in the world. Brex is now bringing them all out, and the dominant discontent is the first condition of their address. Indeed, Brex can empower British democracy to solve some of the country's old crises.

First, there is the Irish issue. Although he was partially elected with the Big Promise Agreement a generation ago, the Democratic Party of Northern Ireland is reopening the issue by insisting that the province, which is part of Great Britain, should in no way distinguish -- for example, from Wales and central circles.

The Scottish issue has also risen. Just two years after Scotland's failed independence referendum in 2014 left the desperate nationalists, Brex's 2016 referendum again empowered them.

There is also the English issue. The unfinished “Transferation” (Devolution) of former Prime Minister Tony Blair made English people not have their own dedicated assembly or parliament, leaving them dependent on a Westminster parliament that many people think is far off and does not represent their concerns.

Brexit also tested the stress of a party rigid system created by an election system of the past that limits competition against existing players. As a result, Britain's parties have begun to function as cartels of conflicting agendas.

The 2016 referendum also highlighted the issue of the role of direct democracy in British politics. Given the increasing calls for a second referendum, when and how popular voting should be held more quickly, without delay.

But the role of representative democracy should also be addressed. Brexit discovered the sovereignty myth of the House of Representatives when, in the process of leaving the EU, the government denied Parliament any real right even in how EU legislation should be transliterated into the law of the United Kingdom.

Brexit also pointed out? The masked disappointment over austerity measures, which took the form of a moral panic for migration. The free movement of people within the EU hides the role of internal budget cuts in limiting public services and social housing, making it inevitable to raise xenophobia.

Finally, since the mid-1980s, following the intentional vandalisation of the British industry of Margaret Thancher, the economy of Great Britain has been based on the <x0-> the favour of foreigners”. No other European economy, except Ireland, needs such major infusions of foreign capital.

That's why Britain relies on concessions: low taxes, low wages, zero-hour contracts and unregulated finances. If Britain is to go beyond the low-powered troika, low productivity and slow growth, its citizens must review their country in the global economy. Brexit is a wonderful opportunity to do so, avoiding calls for even lower wages, smaller taxes, and regulation.

Until several weeks before Britain leaves the EU, none of the three main options in offering a Brex without an agreement; Prime Minister Teresa May's withdrawal agreement with the EU; and the removal of Article 50 with the aim of the EU waste has no majority in Parliament or among the population. Each option creates maximum dissatisfaction: The scenario without a deal hits more like a dangerous dive into the unknown. The May deal freaks out Brex's opponents and is seen by most of them as some kind of document that only one possible place in war would sign. Finally, a Brex change would confirm Brexi's support, that democracy is allowed only when it gives favourable results for London's establiment.

Conventional wisdom in Britain says this deadlock is sad and proves the failure of British democracy. I disagree on these two counts. If any of the immediate options available were approved, we say, in a second referendum, dissatisfaction would increase and the biggest questions concerning the United Kingdom would remain unanswered. Britain's will to support any Brex option at the moment is, from this point of view, a sign of collective wisdom and a rare opportunity to manage to meet the country's major challenges while reconsidering UK relations with the EU. But to achieve it, the United Kingdom must invest in a “Population Debat”, which leads to a “People's Decision”.

People's debate should address six issues: the British Constitution, including the establishment of a numerous English Parliament or English regional assemblies; the electoral system and the role of referenda; the Irish issue, including the possibility of joint British-Irland sovereignty over Northern Ireland; migration and freedom of movement; Britain's economic model, especially the outstanding role of finance and the need to boost ecological investments across the country; and of course relations between the United Kingdom and the EU.

To be democratic, popular debate must be held at regional assemblies, leading to a national convention, where a menu of options will be finalised before the House of Representatives translates them into question of the referendum, which would enable the popular decision by 2022.

Thus, Britain's government must secure a transitional period after the country formally leaves the EU on March 29th, which would last at least until the people could decide three years later. During the transition period, Britain would have to remain in the EU customs union and its common market, with freedom of movement and full rights for EU citizens in Britain. Then, in 2022, voters could decide whether to proceed with their position at the Customs Union and the common market; whether it ends entirely; or whether the application is made for Britain to become a full member of the EU again.

When discontent is so great, as if it is in Britain today, it can only be solved by many democracies.