KMDLN) analysis: There could be rebellion if there is no visa liberalisation

According to KMDLNj, Kosovo citizens can rebel and seek responsibility from local authorities for failing to fulfill promises of free movement.

“Oposion can instrumentalise this civic discontent, although not even itself, as it was in position, did more than it was doing. This opposition crisis situation with part of its position may be used to send the country to early elections. Disatisfaction and rebellion can also be directed against internationals who in Kosovo are implementing double standards by subjecting themselves to political interests and thus acting as political opportunists. Protests and rebellion can take on violent character that will hardly be controlled. We will have great deepening among the political subjects of Kosovo that will constantly keep the country under pressure. We will have a new refugee crisis, and Kosovo citizens may target the borders of neighbouring states seeking opportunities for illegal border crossings towards Western countries. Trafficking in human beings will increase and the security of Kosovo and countries in the region will be jeopardised, said the KMDLNj communiqué.

Full communication:

A IT IS WHOREWED LIBERALESING VIZAVE WITH BUSEDDING POLITIC KOSOVE SERBI?

Kosovo is the only Balkan country (received as the most problematic region compared to the rest of Europe) whose citizens are severely restricted by freedom of movement and have been introduced into ghettos or enclaves at a time when some countries in the region do not stand much better in meeting the required conditions and, despite that, for years moving freely in European states.

Freedom of movement is basic human rights, democratic value that is affirmed and protected with all international human rights documents beginning with the Universal Declaration for Human Rights and the United Nations, the European Convention on Human Rights and the constitutions of relevant states, in concrete cases, the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo, since the end of the war, has largely been managed by internationals who have had a decision-making monopoly in the very areas of meeting visa liberalisation criteria as if it was the justice sector where the failures (in many larger cases) have always been the reason for the postponement of the visa liberalisation process by adding new requirements and not being the criteria for other beneficial states such as border demarcation with Montenegro.

Initially it was W NMIC (even today with letters is decision-makers No. 1 in Kosovo ) and then U n EULEX's NIMK has had major responsibilities in the area of rule of law, the fight against organised crime and high profile corruption, the fight against narcotics and trafficking, and especially the fight against those suspected of war crimes and crimes against humanity. For any success, credit has gone to the address of Brussels, and for any failure of responsibility has been addressed to Kosovo institutions respectively to leaders who, in no case, have been chosen without international blessing as if no coalition government (even the latter) was done without consent and against the will of the international factor. Internationals, in not a few cases, have built clientistic reports with a part of the policy they've had and has information that it's criminalized as well as with a part of civil society which is nothing more honest than criminalised policy and thus directly impacted the dynamics of developing processes, as well as giving direction to these processes by putting them on a dead end with just one white light, the conditioning of the visa liberalisation process, not in fulfillment of the criteria (which would be very acceptable) but who with the blackmail of nature and who is becoming like the negotiations process.

Now, Kosovo has not met standards like in countries with a developed and consolidated democracy ( Finland, Denmark, Norway, France, Iceland, Germany, etc.) but it does not stand any worse than Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and especially the Bosnian Federation, which is a non-functional saying.

In these Balkan states, it is public secrecy that organised crime is the constitution for taking and maintaining power and in these countries we have leaders who have the mandate of their rule as long as the former communist leaders and in many cases longer than any Vatican pope or the current leader of the Islamic Community of Kosovo.

High-profile corruption in Kosovo is done by “fishmen <x1nd international and Kosovo thieves politicians. Remember the relatives at Kosovo Post Telecom, where its international leaders have been charged with corruption millions of euros, have left Kosovo and have never faced justice. Or, tenders for the construction of billions of euros (the most expensive cars in the world) where parts or engine of corruption have been internationals including ambassadors, as well as Schengen visa trade where, too, ambassadors and those with diplomatic status have been on the front.

Tell it to many embassies that have broken out near corrupters who have been managed in such a way that they do not take the form of scandal and the mixture of state. Let's not talk about the judiciary where international prosecutors, as well as international judges, with the help of local sexmen (a part of lawyers) accused of serious crimes have been sold innocence for a large sum of money (in evidence you have the statements of international judges and prosecutors who gave them after they left office or lost them as gold mines of enrichment) and other relatives. The privatisation of no lucrative asset (and it is made at a symbolic price) has been done without internationals who have eaten “the cake part if not the whole cake and not talk about KEK where hundreds of millions of euros have been made, whereas the supply of electricity has been the same as the money used for the water if not smaller.

In the field of interethnic international reports, internationals have justified the principle of discrimination by favouring a minority ( Serbs) and discriminating other minorities. Kosovo Serbs' disobedience and disobedience to institutions in a silent manner has been supported by internationals, and especially the partition of Mitrovica, in two cities. Then, the country's institutions are accused of not doing enough to ensure freedom of movement and security as a condition for visa liberalisation.

The legalisation of criminalised nepotism and incompetency for countries where the key condition should be professionalism is perhaps the greatest damage it has paid and is costing Kosovo, respectively, development or better say, its setback. We have better example of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo where crime and judicial illiteracy co-exist miraculously, with the consent of internationals.

Political interference has metastated as cancer in all key segments of Kosovo institutions. In short, there is no position of importance in the field of security, prosecution, or judiciary in Kosovo where you have no local policy interference and especially international .

Visa liberalisation was an argument and promise of easing or retaining power as if it could be used as a topic for the collapse of power. The mistake of those governing today is that they have set deadlines when Kosovo citizens will move freely without visas, certainly by relying on meeting the criteria and which the internationals themselves have accepted. It was a promise by internationals that the demarcation of the border with Montenegro (which for other countries was not worth ) was the last condition for visa liberalisation and turned out not to be so.

After warning that in 2018, Kosovo may not even have visa liberalisation, it will face many problems that will affect regional developments as well.

Kosovo citizens can rebel and seek responsibility from local authorities for failing to fulfill promises of free movement.

The opposition can instrumentalise this civic discontent, though not even itself, as it was in position, did more than they were making positions. This opposition crisis situation with part of its position may push the country to early elections.

Disatisfaction and rebellion can also be directed against internationals who in Kosovo are implementing double standards by subjecting themselves to political interests and thus acting as political opportunists.

Protests and rebellion can take on violent character that will hardly be controlled.

We will have great deepening among the political subjects of Kosovo that will constantly keep the country under pressure.

We will have a new refugee crisis, and Kosovo citizens may target the borders of neighbouring states seeking opportunities for illegal border crossings towards Western countries.

Human trafficking will increase, and

The security of Kosovo and the countries of the region will be jeopardised.

From the aspect of human rights, the restriction of freedom of movement, entry into the ghetto only for citizens of Kosovo presents flagrant human rights violations as an added value of democracy so far ago that Kosovo made no exception compared to the countries of the region in meeting the criteria and standards required to benefit from the visa liberalisation process. If some countries hesitate to have Kosovo have a visa liberalisation process because it can be flooded by legal asylum seekers, then, no one can guarantee that Western countries will not be flooded by illegal asylum seekers who will much harder, compared to legal asylum seekers.