How was Yugoslavia dissolved? Why did the US initially support a democratic Yugoslavia?

For effective reforms and the emergence of a multidimensional crisis, Yugoslav authorities also called for, but without tangible results. The land was threatened by economic collapse, the standard of living was dropping rapidly, debt was being collected, the state was insolvency.

Unfunctioned state authorities, with a heavy administration mired in bureaucracy, cannot agree on what is the exit from the current situation.

Reforms were necessary, but ever weaker and more unstable leadership relied on privileges gained.

And suddenly, at the end of September of that year, there is a salvation for them, which eventually brought together Yugoslav and Serbian leaders, state and party.

Under command, all life, political, economic, constitutional problems are forgotten. For the entire month, the whole country is dealing with this document, and all are unanimous in the assessment that its goal is to break Yugoslavia.

And from that time on, to this day, Serbia and the Serbs will be declared the chief and sole culprits.

If it is the eighth session, the breakup of the League of Communists at the extraordinary 14th congress, or the role of Slobodan Milosevic, at the meetings of republic presidents, in which the country's future was decided.

And what happened?

The rules of the Yugoslav game, as defined by Tito and the Party, were no longer the same. On the international scene, the growing rift in the eastern bloc and the technological revolution in the West announce a global collapse of the existing world order in which Yugoslavia lost its importance.

The end of the communist congress at Belgrade's Sava Centre in January 1990 was the start of a multiparty system in the Federal Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia (RSFJ).

Franjo Tudjman, at the first HDZ Assembly in February 1990, says: Croatia's independent “state was not only the result of fascist creation, but also the expression of historic aspirations of the Croatian people”.

In the parliamentary elections in Slovenia on April 8, 1990, the united opposition won DEMOs. For the first time, after 50 years, a non - Communist organization came to power. Milan Kucan, a longtime communist leader, was elected president of Slovenia in the same elections.

In May, HDZ led Tudjman to win elections in Croatia. At the end of the year, a new constitution has been adopted that recognises the Republic of Croatia as the national “state of the Croatian people”.

Serbs, like constituent people in the previous constitution, became national minorities.

An illegal referendum is being called to Kosovo, where it declares unconstitutional to the republic. On July 5th 1990, Serbia's Assembly distributes the Kosovo Assembly, due to its unconstitutional and illegal decisions.

The Serbian people in Krajina, in a referendum on 19 August, with more than 90 per cent of the vote, express the autonomy of this region in Croatia. The Serbian National Council announced the autonomous Serbian Krajina region on 1 October.

In Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, political instability, increasingly frequent conflicts and leadership disputes exceed the everyday lives of citizens. In all parts of Yugoslavia, the question of war?

The RSFJ presidency, in an expanded composition with the republic's frontmen, has been lowered, reports “Vestinet”, broadcast Periscopi. Old and new problems are not solved, they only complicate further. After the history of democracy and reform, most of them are aspirations created by the state, inspired by different myths of the past.

As an opportunity to leave this position, Milan Kucan and Franjo Tudjman are proposed to hold a series of meetings of the presidents of the six Yugoslav republics, with the explanation that the agreement will be easier to reach within the circle of few people who are at the same time able to implement agreed solutions.

The first meeting was held in Split on 28 March 1991, and the last at the “villa. Stoicevac” near Sarajevo on June 6th 1991.

Meanwhile, there are major and difficult armed conflicts -- first in Pakrac, then in the Plitvica lakes region, then in Borovo Selo. Slovenia went on a unstable road to independence, and a referendum on independence took place in Croatia 19 May.

For this reason, this meeting of the president of the Republic of Sarajevo is extremely important. On the agenda was a joint proposal of Alija Izetbegovic and Kire Gligorova “Platforma for the future Yugoslav community”.

It was a mechanical compromise of federal and confederate solutions, “that sovereign republics form a state union that would have an international judicial subjectivity, even though original subjectivity would belong to republics”.

The proposal also envisions a timetable for implementation of one to five years.

This was very important because it postponed the realization of decisions already made to declare the independence of some republics and what was at the most important moment postponed armed conflicts that depended on the air.

The published public document takes on the justified importance of the last chance for Yugoslavia's survival. It was clear that the one who refused such a compromise would bear responsibility for the bloody explosion at hand.

Momir Bulatovic in the book “Bringing Rules”, based on stenogram notes from this meeting, writes:

The “Document was expected to be refused normally by President Milosevic and me, as the Serb members of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Presidency had already done, voting against the session at which this idea was proposed... At the meeting, after the opening explanations, Tudjman voted for the first time. He said this document begins with the sovereignty of the republics, which Croatia is trying to, so it is acceptable to him. He demanded that Milosevic and Bulatovic be declared immediately, because if they voted (looking waiting) against him, then it is better not to waste time. When Milosevic accepted the Platform (A good basis for further work), Tudjman left nothing but to withdraw his former consent. It wasn't about reaching an agreement at all, it was just about finding fault for his absence. Slovenia and Croatia wanted nothing but full independence and international recognition. ”

Fifteen days after the meeting in Sarajevo on 21 June 1991, James Baker, US Secretary of State é “supported a unique democratic Yugoslavia, which would be reached through a” agreement.

He particularly stressed that America would not recognise unilateral decisions involving Slovenia and Croatia's decisions on secession from Yugoslavia.

As a result of such a clear stand by the world's most powerful country, the Federal Executive Council (President Ante Markovik), which consisted of ministers from Slovenia and Croatia, on 26 June, praised that decisions for the independence of Slovenia and Croatia were illegal.

“He estimated a uniform regime should be respected for protecting external borders and ordered The APJ and the federal MUP to implement this decision “- writes Momir Bulatovic.

The next day, on June 27th, there was a conflict between the JNA) units and the Territorial Protection of Slovenia. “The seven-day fight” in Yugoslavia began the formal breakup of Yugoslavia. The rest is history and a gang of internal hearts, for which Serbia remains the biggest blame for a bloody civil war.. /Periscopi/