Rama: EU is guided by current inertia, not vision

Rama: EU is guided by current inertia, not vision

We need the EU as much as they do for us. We can lift each other up, or we can pull it down.” So Prime Minister Edi Rama said in an interview for Novi Magazine, while stressing that Albania has done what is due it in terms of its EU integration path, adding that [...]

So Prime Minister Edi Rama said in an interview for Novi Magazine, while stressing that Albania has done what is due it to in terms of its EU integration path, adding that the European Union should give up its share.

INT PLOCE ERVIEST

In a very diplomatic way and at the same time very clear, you warned the EU at the recent summit with the Western Balkans of shortcomings in the enlargement process. What would you like the Union to do, and what do you think countries in the region should do that aspire to full membership to meet it?

Rama: I would like Union to be the Union and follow the founders' vision towards full implementation of their European project, which includes the full integration of the Western Balkans into Union. We need the EU as much as they do us. We can lift each other up or pull each other down. As far as we're concerned, we've all done our job for this phase, but there's certainly still a lot to do and nobody's denying it. The only problem is that for every phase we offer, the EU has to give up its share, and this hasn't happened lately.

Russia's aggression against Ukraine seems to have brought Europe together in general, and in particular in granting candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova. Georgia was told to wait, as did Bosnia and Herzegovina. See it as the right decision or just a gesture of goodwill because the process drags on for years and even decades, as in Turkey's case?

Rama: I do not understand the reasons for such a decision for Bosnia and Herzegovina, while I fully support the decision on Ukraine and Moldova. But to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina with nothing again, while all Bosnia and Herzegovina deputies, representing all communities, have unanimously demanded it, again shows that the EU, instead of leading Europe decisively in these turbulent times, is guided by the inertia of current events instead of a vision. We hope that Bosnia and Herzegovina will not need another struggle to obtain candidate status!

According to you, what was the reason the EU linked Albania with Northern Macedonia and was it right for both countries?

Rama: I guess that's not another reason to blame the EU. In this case, their idea of keeping the two countries together and opening membership negotiations for both was by no means unfair.

Sofia has allegedly pulled the veto for negotiations with Northern Macedonia based on the French proposal, but appears Skopje is unhappy. Do you think the proposal is fair for Macedonians?

Rama: Seeking happiness in this process is like looking for water in the desert. However, the recent French proposal after the diligent progress of Emmanuel Macron and his team on both sides during the NATO summit is fully acceptable. At least for my opinion. I hope this disorderly shit is over.

There is still no visa liberalisation for Kosovo residents. Do you see it as the result of the five EU countries' refusal to recognise Kosovo as an independent state, or are there other reasons?

Rama: I really don't know, but whatever the reason, this is a shameful attack on the human dignity of an entire population. In any case, I would exclude the factor of non-recognition because I have never heard the president and your prime minister say no. On the contrary, they have always said Serbia supports the removal of the visa regime for the Kosovo population.

You protected and strongly praised the Open Balkans as initiative. The EU basically agrees. However, some countries in the region, including Kosovo, still do not want to join. Why?

Rama: You should ask them. I just have my view and on my opinion, they're wrong. They're so wrong.

You seem to be satisfied with the European political community, which was proposed by the French president. Many consider it a trap, or a replacement for EU membership, which is still far away. Why do you think it might be good for non-EU members?

Rama: Replace what? There is no membership door? No! That's not a problem. The problem is that some people do not want to face the reality of enlargement, which has become a means of fantasizing other countries for the sake of domestic politics. Bulgaria was just the most brutal example, not the only one.

Do you believe NATO membership is an unwritten condition for EU aspiring countries?

Rama: No, I don't. There are EU countries that are not NATO members.

Also, in Samit you tried to understand and explain Serbia's refusal to join EU sanctions against Russia. Do you really think it will be good for Belgrade and its future EU perspective?

Rama: I don't think it's gonna be okay, but I don't think it should be bad. Serbia's refusal to join EU sanctions is not Serbia's consent to aggression. On the contrary. Serbia joined the democratic world three times in a row by voting against Russia in the United Nations. Turkey is another country that has not respected sanctions, but is against Russia at the UN and also makes a unique contribution to all of us by engaging with Ukraine, the UN and Russia itself for humanitarian purposes.

What do you think is a more serious problem for Serbia in the long-term plan, its refusal to recognise Kosovo's independence or failure to join European sanctions against Putin's Russia?

Rama: At one point, Serbia will have to recognise Kosovo and get rid of the burden and should not hurt your country's future for a long time. I understand the difficulties of resolving such a fiery issue. When it comes to Putin's Russia, neither the war nor Putin's rule will last forever. But history matters. Economics matter. Public opinion is important. And looking at all of this in Serbia's case helps to understand why Serbia is required to honour sanctions is simply not wise. It's also dangerous for the entire region. In any case, I think there is more understanding now than there was a month ago.

Why, according to you, is the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina going so slowly and difficult?

Rama: I'd say there's a lot of reluctance on both sides. Recently, my Kosovo brothers have insisted that Serbia apologize before beginning to speak seriously about how to achieve a final, mutually sealed peace of recognition. This is impossible for my Serbian friends and I think they are right, because such a big change from bloody war to final peace cannot happen without a process of full, painful and patient dialogue. No one can forget how these long-burned pages turned into history. No comparison is perfect, but I think there is no better example than Germany, which sought forgiveness from France only in 1970 through Warsaw's kneel against Chancellor Willy Brandt. Meanwhile, in 25 long years, many steps have been made in building faith.

Finally, where do you see the entire Western Balkan region in 10-15 years from now, and why?

Rama: This is a very complicated question and I am not so bold to predict the Balkans, but I can share with you my great hope that the best has yet to come.

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