Kurti for Serbs: Haradinaj fears Thaci

Kurti in an interview for Serbian media <x0), has talked about many topics, while the question of dialogue has said Thaci has lost both credibility and even authority.

Thaci has to negotiate with Vuciqi, because we're not going to let this happen in our account. He's lonely, he doesn't support the people, as if he doesn't even have the mandate of any negotiations. Thaci has also lost credibility and authority”, says Kurti.

The <x0). It is about key EU states that have recognised Kosovo at the existing borders. Duetin Thaci-Vucciq eventually supports certain extreme right circles”, says in the interview for “Istinomer”, Albin Kurti, chairman of Vetevendosje.

He estimates the idea of demation may seem attractive to certain currents within the EU, because Serbia must meet Article 35 in membership negotiations, meaning definition of territory and borders, but that Kosovo cannot give up its territory and its vital interests because of Serbia.

Serbia must recognise Kosovo, and on the other side The EU must, due to the preservation of peace throughout the region and the prosperity of the Western Balkans, membership in all countries together.

Total interview:

Istinomer: How did you comment on the latest events regarding Kosovo's negotiations with Serbia on the one hand putting customs on goods from Serbia, while on the other, the warning of Vuciqi that will not continue negotiations until Pristina withdraws it, as the counterjuridic act has said?

Kurti: Serbia loves us, citizens of Kosovo, as consumers of its goods, until our producers practically have no chance of exporting to Serbia. Our position is for full reciprocity with Serbia. Reciprocity in the relationship is the real principle. Negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia need Vuciqi more than we do.

Istinomer: Can Thaci's meeting with Putin be understood as a Kosovo diplomatic step, is the agreement with Belgrade, respectively, without Russia's reconciliation?

Kurti: When it comes to Kosovo, Thaci's meeting with Putin makes sense, as I have said, only if he negotiates personal political asylum in the Russian Federation. Otherwise, Putin hates Europe, and Stalin is his idol. It is known that Russia finances neofashist currents on the soil of the European Union.

Istinomer: You have sometimes commented that Russia's influence in the Balkans comes through Serbia. In this context, you have said that Serbia wants Kosovo's demination, while Moscow is Russianising Bosnia. What exactly do you mean by that?

Kurti: Kosovo's Bosniaing would happen with the formation of Serbian ethnicity in Kosovo, as if the Zajednica project, which would have its autonomous gears and executive organs. This would be a kind of Serb republic in Kosovo, either state within the republic, which in that case would lose centralised state rights. In B&H, there is a similar situation, where you have the republic within the state, to which the republic is unable (in order). The Russianization of Bosnia means. Russia's direct influence through financing and the creation of direct political ties of Republika Srpska to Moscow, which is also the biggest investor in RS. Like. The Serbian list immediately after entering Kosovo Government has gone on the first visit abroad to Moscow. Serbia's satellites in the Balkans eventually become Russian satellites.

Istinomer: What do you expect from the US, the traditional friend of Kosovo? Kosovo press writes Trump and Putin have agreed about partitioning Kosovo and that Kosovo should be ready to swallow painful pills. What do you think is the composition of these pills?

Kurti: In the United States, there are no red lines for them when it comes to the content of the negotiations, but that doesn't mean Americans will accept any results of these negotiations. What is the purpose of entering a process which will not be accepted? I don't think the U.S. position has changed, but they're testing these two presidents. The question is that Kosovo should convince its strategic partners that changing borders is not a solution and that Kosovo's north is both economically and strategically vital to us. The US is our strategic partner, but they can't do more for us than we do for ourselves.

Istinomer: Even though Kosovo is in line with the UN's KS, is it not on a global agenda list of priorities?

Kurti: Kosovo is no longer an urgent and extraordinary problem. However, Kosovo has many problems. One of the biggest is that Serbia is denying Kosovo's independence and is trying to block its functionality in the international plan through obstructing new recognitions and membership in international organisations. I don't get the impression that in the UN, where you represent us U n NMIC, our problems are being addressed. The only good thing is that there are different countries' interests and Serbia's arrogance.

Istinomer: You often claim that Vuciq and Thaci have actually agreed before, but even at secret dinners in Paris and New York that have happened this year, even that the riots in northern Kosovo have persisted. On what basis do you say that?

Kurti: We've seen enough brand short films in the last two years, in their joint production. They both help each other out before their own public opinions. Examples are the Russo-Serbian train that left for Kosovo and stopped, the spectacular arrest of Marko Djuriqi, visiting Lake Weyman... However, all of this does not mean that Vuciqi and Thaci have clear agreements that will eventually follow. They are completely harmonised when it comes to the authoritarian way in which they lead their countries, but they have not harmonised the external relations of our states in between. They have contact and weekly agreements, but they are in the function of their power, not of the citizens of both states. I think they've started to look like each other, but that doesn't mean they've agreed on solutions. Bilateral similarity is not an agreement.

Istinomer: How do you assess the situation in northern Kosovo, would you say it is a safe and secure and trouble-free country?

KurtiOf course not. Far from it. Kosovo's north has turned into incarnation of lawlessness. That part is not under the control of Kosovo's power, but there they govern parallel structures, which are under Serbia's control. In the north, criminals act like Veselinovic and Radojciqi gangs, through which Serbian power condemns any local Serbs' disobedience until Kosovo powers negotiate with them for the steps of the Serbian List, which is in the ruling coalition in Kosovo.

Istinomer: How do the citizens of Kosovo and Serbia know what agreement has actually been reached in Brussels on what is being negotiated?

Kurti: During the six-year dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia (2011-2017), we won 33 agreements. Some are partially implemented, others are not respected at all until some apply but without any concrete impact. All these agreements will be considered soon in the Kosovo Assembly, under the 38-page report, which the Government of Kosovo has compiled. When it comes to official relations between Kosovo and Serbia, these relations exist in Brussels, which mediates them. The point is that very little is known about the details of these talks. Neither MPs in the Kosovo Assembly nor public opinion know about this. In fact, to a large extent information from Brussels is limited to speculation, whose goal is to take attention away from socio-economic problems and to make people tired.

Istinomer: From Ramush Haradinaj's statements, it appears that the prime minister himself is not informed with the negotiations, or at least has no position similar to the president of Kosovo. How is it that the president and the prime minister have different views of the solution? And why is Haradinaj, as you said, rent “ ”?

Kurti: Prime Minister Haradinaj's government is the weak minority government, while Haradinaj himself is the rented “ ” prime minister as the fraud of this task on Hashim Thaci's part. The number of parties in the government is twice the number of prime minister's party deputies. He in the election has won only 10 deputies in the Assembly, while the Sebe List's participation in the government coalition has assured him by negotiating with Radojciqi, the criminal who acts in northern Kosovo. The fact that the Haradinaj government depends on the votes of the Democratic Party of Kosovo and on the votes of the Serbian List means that it is dependent on Thaci and Vuciqi. Independent Kosovo has never had more dependent governments.

Istinomer: Would you be able to co-operate with Haradinaj, at least on the topic of demitation of borders, given that at least the attitudes on this issue fit in?

Kurti: Hard because he fears Thaci, who can tear down the government and at the same time is clear that he will never again be able to get the prime minister's chair. Throughout his career, Thaci today is at the lowest level, when it comes to citizen support, what measurements in public opinion speak. Paradoxically, but the strongest point of this weak president is exactly the weak prime minister. The biggest service Haradinaj can do today is get out of the government coalition, with what would trigger new elections. Such an act would completely delegate Thaci, who, in addition to what is corrupt, is at the same time blackmailed. In that sense he has trouble with his fate, not the fate of Kosovo.

IstinomerBut you also represent double standards. You are against changing borders with Serbia, but open to changing borders with Albania. Why is Great Albania in order, while the north of Kosovo in Serbia is not. One more means changing boundaries?

Kurti: I call for the right to self-determination of the people in Kosovo, with which by referendum the people would express themselves to the fate of the country. Self - determination as a principle gives states the right to unite, or enter the confederation, or federation. In the case of Kosovo and Albania, such an act would be realised with the positive result of the people's referendum in both countries as a democratic means. Such a union would guarantee peace and stability in the region. On the other hand, Kosovo's north is not a state. It is part of Kosovo where the parallel structures, which have made ethnic cleansing, are concentrated in order to illegally block the functioning of the state in that part. Self - determination belongs to peoples rather than territories. And self - determination must be a liberation character. After all, Serbs in the north of Ibri also need relief from Serbia, not Kosovo. In this context I even ask the question who killed Oliver Ivanov in northern Mitrovica?

Istinomer: The answer to this question, however, is that everyone is expecting it, both in Kosovo and Serbia. When it comes to Serbs in Kosovo, I am not sure they would agree with your proposal for joining Albania. But return to the negotiations. If you were in position to lead the negotiating team? We remember that after the 2017 parliamentary elections, you were considered the chief negotiator. With whom and with what terms would you negotiate?

Kurti: We as Vetevendosje Movement have defined four steps which must be passed before the start of negotiations with Serbia. The first, the Kosovo Assembly would have to review the old dialogue from 2011 to 2017 and see what has been won by that dialogue, what the agreements have been, how much of this has been implemented and all of this has affected the best life of citizens. The second, let's be guided to what we really want and turn this into requests that would be presented to Serbia, and she would probably make demands for us. We simply need seriousness and sincerity so that the process is fair and leads to the long-term solution. Third, we have to create the principled platform in the negotiation process. You know, I'm against any available scenario, where we're just mechanical actors with whom a harsh director leads. The outcome of the negotiations will not be known in advance, it should be the result of negotiating specific principles. And, fourth, Kosovo needs a negotiating team with credit leaders and relevant strategies. The first two steps are possible even before the elections, while the last two are only after the new elections, following the formation of new power with new legitimacy.

Istinomer: You lost 12 deputies from elections in 2017 who came out of Vetevendosje and formed their parliamentary group. Recently, Pristina city mayor Shpend Ahmeti was also abandoned. How do you think you'll benefit both MPs and citizens when the party is abandoned by MPs?

Kurti: The people gave us 32 mandates of deputies on the basis of the programme and positions we presented before the opinion. However, we were deprived of 12 mandates because our movement's success in past elections has hampered many designated circles. With the kidnapping of MPs trying to weaken us and hurt us. In a sense, few have stumbled us because we are now in a situation where the large number of voters represent him with fewer MPs, but at the same time, a large number of people are being joined in Vetevendosje, and this shows that we are on the right track and that in the new elections we will be even more successful. The MPs who abandoned us claimed legitimacy, because according to polls, they have no more than 2% support.