“Politics is not the art of possible. Politics is art. Just art”

Interview given for Kosovo 2.0

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In this election year, the most voted MP shares his ideas about policymaking in Kosovo and comments on this year's developments.

In this election year, the most voted MP reveals his ideas about policymaking in Kosovo and comments this year's developments

In the June 11th parliamentary elections, Albin Kurti appeared the most voted MP in Kosovo with over 143,000 votes while running as Vetevendosje candidate for prime minister. Meanwhile, LVV as a party suffered an extraordinary increase of 88,000 votes when they first participated in the 2010 elections, to 200,000 votes in June of this year.

The upcoming local elections will apparently be the next test for the party he founded as Movement in 2005. As the results are known after October 22nd, what is clear is that Kurti and LVV feel a greater impetus in their goal of governance.

In an interview with Kosovo 2.0, Kurti speaks of the permanent values and idealism he sees in Vetevendosje. He also shared his views about political developments and coalitions before and post-election, possibilities of co-operation with other parties in the future, until his political future is left to Vetevendosje's membership.

K2.0: Since we are on the verge of local elections, what are the expectations of the Vetevendosje Movement?

Albin Kurti: In the last parliamentary elections on 11 June, Vetevendosje has doubled at the country level. But what is currently more important is that Vetevendosje in those elections has emerged as the first subject in 10 municipalities, if others are considered an election coalition. Meanwhile, if we break up others in political parties that have made these coalitions, then we've also emerged from the first party in six other municipalities. Consequently, which is expected of us, that in 16 municipalities we can either win or go to the runoff. So either we start celebrating right away on October 22nd in late evening hours or we move on for the next four weeks to November 19 when we have the runoff. These are our expectations.

Have you been surprised by the results of the general elections and how much this is affecting the race for various municipalities?

I believe that on June 11th there has been an extraordinary development in the minds and hearts of Kosovo citizens and therefore in support of Vetevendosje. It is the general spirit in the population that has become much more decisive than our Movement organization. If we've doubled in the Republic Parliament, I expect us to multiply in municipal congregations.

Do you think that this spirit, as you describe it, may also have side effects of damage as it has had new results from other parties ▪ different critics have accused you of recycling individuals who have been locked up in other parties all these postwar years. Are you believing that Vetevendosje's concept is stronger than it can transform even those who have been part of other parties?

First of all, I believe in improving people and I also believe in improving myself. Whether it's Albin or Vetevendosje activist or the movement in general. Second, since we have no school diplomas in Kosovo education, the Vetevendosje Movement is a certain school without a degree. So when people come to the Vetevendosje Movement, not only do they engage in activities but at the same time they also participate in discussions and hence the Vetevendosje Movement is the main forum of debate in Kosovo today. So all those who come to the Vetevendosje Movement are not only special names but are also participants in this debate forum which really changes them, but changes us. But let it be this way because rational discussions, shades of different beliefs, I believe they are our values.

It's not really what we want to stay in the open. Not at all. Not at the municipal level, nor at the central level. We want to come to government as soon as possible.

And finally, let's not forget that there are all bad people in other parties. That someone has been to other parties or continues to be with a political party does not give us a priority the right to judge that person morally. It is not enough for a person to say that he is good or bad, wise or ignorant, depending on which political party he is in. Especially if it's not too high. And we've got a lot of people coming from political parties. Perhaps most of the PDK and LDK, but it's not because these people were unhappy with the fulfillment of personal ambitions there, but they were unhappy with the deviations that have taken these parties and that it has been unexpected for these people who come to us

Let's talk about co-operation between Vetevendosje and other political parties. We have seen that after the elections you have not reached agreement with other parties, and especially with the LAA coalition. Although you have had several meetings, the former candidate for prime minister from LAA, Avdullah Hoti, has said you have managed to reconcile with half of Vetevendosje points. On the other hand, you have constantly highlighted red lines for The PDK, and already its partners in the AAK ruling coalition, NISMA and AKR look even further away from Vetevendosje. So it's very important for the public to know how Vetevendosje will take power without coalition with other parties and push its political ideas forward?

In the June 11th elections, we grew 100 percent, now to govern without a coalition, there is no need for 100 percent to increase. Now we only need to grow 50 percent.

So you're aiming to win the majority by yourself? Are you trying to win the kind of Eddie Rama in Albania?

No, no. I'm just saying that the enormous, substantial growth has already occurred. What we need is not what we're already raised to make government. But we aim for a coalition. We, even if it's possible to rule ourselves, would still like to be in coalico.

With whom would the coalition be easier since you disagree with these existing political parties?

We were formed in 2014 V We signed an agreement on September 10, 2014. Before the VLAN, it was considered that Vetevendosje does not want to coalition with anyone else even the label of being exclusive in the irreverent sense of the word was attributed to the Vetevendosje Movement. Since then, slowly but safely it's been seen that for the coalition it's not Vetevendosje the problem, it's the other ones that were done with us and then abandoned us. In a way, the price increased from cooperation with us to sell more to the market PDK.

This has happened over the years. We've always been open. We have never harbored resentment without presumptuousness and dogmatism. We came to this last situation where others made pre-election coalitions and we competed. And that's why Vetevendosje deputy is extraordinary because he has votes that have voted him [as] Vetevendosje, not any coalition. Vetevendosje's MP has not received votes from other parties, has received votes only from Vetevendosje voters.

Is there anyone else who said you weren't willing to take the governing wheel?

It's not true that we want to stay in opposition. Not at all. Not at the municipal level or at the central level. We want to come to government as soon as possible because we have the courage to face evil and plan to bring good.

But as you describe, political parties have made shopping policies and abandoned Vetevendosje. Does it sound like there's not much of a deal left on coalitions with other parties as long as they're making it easier to coalition with each other and impossible for a coalition with Vetevendosje?

We are open because we love Kosovo very much. These are not coalitions of love. We love the people so much that he gets us all loved. Except that the captured state of Kosovo to be democratised, to develop, there is no time to lose.

Let's go back to the possibility of the coalitions you had with other parties and programming issues. As reported, you had approached the AKR political programmes but ultimately failed after they joined the LDK. Also for the Initiative for Kosovo, I have heard you identify as a Social Democrat party with a left-wing programme. But the founder and leadership of the Initiative for Kosovo has been at the helm of the PDK for a decade and have also directed the privatisation process, which you have sharply criticised. Why is the coalition possible with these parties and according to you, what is the difference between them and the PDK?

There are several PDK and LDK activists and officials who have come to Vetevendosje and I can say that in an important respect they are even more valuable than we Vetevendosje activists who are there from the beginning. [This] because in a moment of deviation that has resulted in corruption in both PDK and LDK, these have distanced. And from the distance even from the controversy they've had with them, they've started to re-read the signs of that corruption in advance.

When an official The PDK comes to Vetevendosje, it's very valuable because he knows how corruption happens in the PDK and helps us never become that way. We don't have that experience.

We've made compromises, but Vetevendosje doesn't do shopping. Self - determination has made and does. Even if it were the pre-election coalition with the AKR, it wouldn't be Vetevendosje's 100 percent programme. Even tomorrow when we will be in government with another party, there will be no percentage of Vetevendosje program.

My last contact with Mustaf is 17 July. From July 6th to July 17th, we've had sporadic communication. After that, there's almost two months, there's a break in communication that I believe he really has to explain. Why did he meet with us then?

Let's go back to the most specific question...

I can't take three miles at one step. I need to explain the context and chronology. We've been trying with the AKR to make a pre-election coalition and we've even started discussing our programmes and agreeing to the vast majority of cases. But the AKR decided in the last moments to go to LDK and with LDK agreed to compete before the elections together. It is expected for us that even the LDK [make a coalition with Vetevendosje] when the AKR, which is even a little liberal on the right that LDK almost agreed with us. So this was our optimism to try exclusively with the LAA where the AKR was inside.

Was the coalition's failure with the LDK only programming issues?

I believe that when I met with Isa Mustaf and Lutfi Haziri, myself and Viser [Ymer, head of LV], somehow we agreed that we're dealing. This is important. I was optimistic and I told them to team up for programs. My last contact with Mustaf was 17 July. From July 6th to July 17th, we had sporadic communication. Then, it's been almost two months, having a break of communication that I believe he can honestly explain. Why did he meet with us then?

So, according to you, Mustafa choked him. The LDK unable to defeat a coalition with you. Do you believe that Mustafa personally has blocked a coalition because of his personal resentment or do you think this was the will of the LDK?

I believe Mustafa has led wrong. LDK in the summer of 2017, as it led LDK in autumn 2014. Mustafa is speaking bitterly about tear gas and our demonstrations, but is not talking about the signing of Zajednica that he did. We have not used tear gas for what his name is Isa Mustafa, for what it looks like or who it is personally, but because of his actions. We didn't throw tear gas when the government elected Mustafa.

If the referendum within the LDK were organised, I am convinced that by vast majority LDK membership would be for a coalition with us. The LDK's membership is against Serbia's Zajednica in Kosovo; LDK membership is against the demarcation of Ku entry with Montenegro in its current form.

On what basis are you based when you say that LDK membership is against these two issues?

From the signatures they gave us in petition. Of the people we contacted if the referendum were organised I am convinced that in majority it would be for coalition with Vetevendosje. And LDK membership has been against the coalition with the PDK. Even so if they were against the coalition with the PDK, I believe much easier they would make the coalition with us.

So you're suggesting there must be a change in the LDK leadership in order to make a coalition first. Did I get you straight?

For my belief it's unfair since the government collapsed Mustafa, they didn't make a statement even to the minority of those MPs who were consistents, they didn't say you were right. Salvation Bulqi, Fatmir Rexhepi, Vjosa Osmani after it was proven that they were right were punished for second.

But are you having another experiment? For example, Fatmir Limaj from the Initiative, the moment we're talking, is being investigated for an affair of corruption that captures the million digits?

I'm not the judge to house.

You're absolutely not a judge, but you're trying to judge that the PDK is the country's worst since it has corrupted and captured the state. Are they double standards?

Not everyone in the PDK is like that. Second, Fatmir Limaj has left the PDK. Third, Fatmir Limaj has now returned to the PDK.

But isn't that enough of his incompatibility to exclude him as a chance for future coalition, or is it Behgjet Pacolli who joined PAN?

Vetevendosje is the chance for change, for changing Kosovo. We are not superstructures that overlap people or other parties. We're infrastructure for all those who want change. I'm saying, I believe in improving people.

If you believe in improving people, do you believe in the improvement of Kadri Wessel, the PDK chairman?

I think anyone can improve but, I can't house anyone for what they did. Here you have to make a difference. I can't forgive someone for the crimes they committed. I have neither the desire nor the right to forgive someone for a crime, but as any human can correct. As one of our popular words puts it, five minutes before death can corral humans. On the one hand, I am progressive in believing that man can improve, and on the other hand, I am also very cautious because it is possible to fail and make mistakes.

A very fundamental question I have to ask. If, as you're saying, 18 years of shopping policy, where political parties see narrow interests and Vetevendosje fails to enter the market, does this risk letting you out of government because other political parties will have more toleration of power than compromise with Vetevendosje?

I'm saying again. It is not our intention to form the next government without a coalition. Absolutely not. But of course we have a priority of our programming orientation, our political concept, and now we're the biggest party in the country. Your question would be much more legitimate before June 11th, but you shouldn't belittle the fact that people punished vendors. The June 11th elections have punished the three parties that are older than Vetevendosje. P DK, LDK and AAK have been punished by the old ones and new ones.

But not enough to let them out of power?

That's if you make the situation cut down today. But if you look at the trend, I'm not saying they have the days, but weeks at worst, the numbered months.

To end the dispute over coalicoes, there are critics who say that if Vetevendosje hypothetically signed agreements with the LAA, it would be in danger of being viewed in the eyes of citizens as all other parties who view only narrow interest. How do you respond to this reservation?

While Vetevendosje maintains its programming orientation, while Vetevendosje is made up of activists and politicians who are not enriched by politics, who are uncorrupt and incorruptible, and since Vetevendosje leadership is loyal to engagement and membership activity you have seen our MP facing protests. Our deputy does not sit with tea in front of the TV when the other activist is protesting. So there are three real tests. The consistency and consistency of the discurs, not being enriched by politics, even loyalty to the engagement of the activist who has built so great a belief of the people of the Vetevendosje Movement that with everyone we cooperate, the people trust us. And I believe he's right at this point that he trusts us.

But besides the coalition's need with Albanian parties, hypothetically if you had the right to form the next government, you would have to have the Serb community in the composition of the government. I have heard you say it is not an obligation to have the Serbian List on the Kosovo government. But on the other hand, the Serbian List has over 80 per cent of the Serb community's votes in Kosovo and are convincingly dominate the representation of the Serb community in the Assembly. Would you form a coalition with the Serbian List and what would it look like to represent Kosovo Serbs in a Vetevendosje government?

The Serb list is not a constitutional category. I don't think someone comes up to be minister from the Serbian List before this is done with people like Nenad Rasiq [Democratic Progressive Party] of Slobodan Petrovic [Independent Liberal Party]. It is unfair to the Republic of Kosovo, even to my opinion of Kosovo Serbs.

How do you see the approach of the Serbian List facing the state of Kosovo?

The Serb list from origin to orientation, [its] search goals, does not represent the Kosovo Serb party, but Serbia's political embassy in Kosovo.

You don't have faith in improving the Serbian List?

Of course I am confident, but if they do not go to Belgrade and Moscow every week, as they are doing in Belgrade and even Moscow. They should be linked to Kosovo Serb citizens.

But they have the majority vote of Serbian citizens?

I think there's a lot more people with Serbs capable and good people to become deputies.

What if they again prevail? Would you abolish the will of most of the Serb community by appointing other individuals of Serbian affiliation?

We aim for the Serbian minister in our government not to be of the Serbian List. The constitution says it must be Serbian. We cannot allow Serb beings to be defined as party membership. Being Serbian is national, not party.

But those conditions you are setting can also affect a reaction from the international community. What do you think their reaction would be?

The international community listens to the voice of the people.

Right, they can insist that the Serb List is the voice of the Serb community in Kosovo...

When they see you've created a majority with Slobodan Petroviqi and you'll make Nenad Rasiqi Minister of Slobodan Petrovijh deputy head of Parliament. There is no reason why the international community will react.

As we are in the international community, you seem to have had a frozen report with international representatives in Pristina earlier. But after the elections, things have changed. You have met twice with US Ambassador Gregory Delaway and have frequently met with other embassy representatives in Kosovo. What does that mean?

I think this is a complete result of the 11 June results. And, just in the situation we're in isn't because of us either because of the American Embassy. It's because of the people. It's the people who decided to be. The difference is that in 2014 the international factor has had a bonus for Vetevendosje to be in government.

What criteria are you referring to?

Before it was said that the issue of dialogue and agreements with Serbia -- the issue of Vetevendosje's rigour -- of Vetevendosje's severity in demonstrations.

Now there is no reserve for the severity of Vetevendosje by the international community?

No, they're not saying they support our methods. But I'm saying they're aware that the people gave support to Vetevendosje. It means, they're diplomatic representation here.

You haven't had a good report in a long time.

Look, intellectually we are children of the West. The critical thought of the West taught us. The very countries with their history where these ambassadors come from make us think about what we think. I don't believe there's progress without criticism. I don't believe progress comes from consensus. Even the consensus on not a few occasions envisions the swamp. The movement is a river flowing. Progress is a river, not a swamp. So progress comes through criticism, self-critics and contradictions.

How do you define consensus?

Consensus is always temporary peace. Consensus is the smallest common denominator to ease tensions by fearing risks, even if it cannot move forward.

Would you feel that you would betray your leftist voter if you were to coalition with right and neoliberal parties?

When we talked about program programs and programme arrangements, I don't believe [they] are a deviation from social democracy. They are written texts that can be found. The challenges would be in practice.

Who do you see left on the political scene in Kosovo?

The overwhelming majority of citizens are on the left, talking about topics without saying left, without saying conservative, socialist, democratic and liberal, without giving the labels. You're talking without labels. They're left.

Are you suggesting the party leadership is pushing them right?

I believe that political leaders, and on the other hand, [are] their relations with business, clientelelysmia, tenoromania pushing them there.

Why are you Social Democrats and why does the country need such a model of government?

I believe the three pillars of the European Union are the following. [First Council] peace with anti-fascism, Robert Schuman's famous bivalve [former foreign minister of France] on May 9, 1950, that coincides with the anti-fasism winner over fascism in World War II. Not only peace but, with anti-fascism moving to Europe because it has been figured to be for a peace without anti-fascism. And peace without antifasmism is also peace with the fascist elements. That's why it's excessive xenophobia tolerance.

The state of prosperity is the second pillar. This valuable aspect is meaningful when it is coupled with equality, justice, and solidarity among humans. Without these, it is no longer freedom but fear. You may even be free in the jungle, but freedom that is full of fear is not freedom. And the third pillar is the NATO security umbrella. I believe in all three. I'm deeply for the European Union.

The last topic I'd discuss is your political future. In a recent interview with a medium you said that “tas are too late to withdraw from policy”. The question is what would make Albin Kurt withdraw from politics and political activity, and can Albin Kurti live without being a political activist?

I am an art engineer of electrotechnics and am a fan of mathematics, ãozo, art, culture, and I have many worries. But my destiny is incompatible with the Vetevendosje Movement. I experience Vetevendosje as a collective principle of goal and therefore for myself I don't decide myself. I believe that the people of Kosovo should decide themselves, not Albini.

But we're talking here about a decision you too have. So, the concrete question is what would make you think of withdrawing from politics?

This is entirely a matter of Vetevendosje membership and Vetevendosje bodies. Do you understand?

Is that not an individual matter?

I'm not at all comfortable in my pants, but if the Chief of Staff tells me you're wearing jackets, blue pants and this tie, I have nothing but obey.

This is understood until you exercise political activity. But I'm asking you about the political moment that would make you withdraw from politics after all these years in politics?

Don't get me wrong, but you don't understand. I'm not like that. I don't think of myself. You're thinking I think of myself as Albin. I don't think so. I've been on the Vetevendosje Movement 12 years ago with organizations.

Do you feel eternal in Vetevendosje?

Ever since?

I mean, if membership decides to leave you in politics for the rest of your life?

Yeah, it's possible. Very likely, I will spend the rest of my life in Vetevendosje in tasks that I have shared.

So, if I'm understanding you correctly now, you're excluding yourself from placing yourself up for yourself?

Yeah, right. That's right. I don't understand Vetevendosje personally. The meaning of Vetevendosje is not that individual personal aspect. Do you know where I am? I'm in my taste, in my cultural-artistic preferences and in my personal and private life.

Politically, ideologically, people spend decades of life in an authentic organization, with intellectual and spiritual compatibility, and I've had the luck of doing this before. I do not see myself out of politics and do not see politics engaged outside Vetevendosje in Kosovo. Being a citizen is a political act. I don't see myself outside of being a citizen, I don't see civic engagement outside of politics, and I don't see the policy engaged outside of self-rule.

As in art and politics, movements are preceded by another movement, movements arise in controversy with an already regimed one. Dadaism had paved the ground for Surrealism a century earlier. Later, however, minimalism was a response to abstract expressionism. Our movement took place both. Vetevendosje comes from the tradition of Albanian protesters and rebels from the second half of the 20th century who organised social and national solidarity for liberation, democracy, independence, equality and justice. And she was born more than 12 years ago by opposing international authoritarian bureaucracy and corrupt local servility. In the socio-historic sense and not in that technique, politics is not the art of possible. Politics is art. Just art.