Behgjet Pacolli Project for UP is antinational

Your Honor. Pacolli, Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Government of Kosovo! Your project for the transfer of the University of Pristina from the capital centre to the fields and workshops, somewhere in its suburbs, essentially constitutes an antinational project. Antinational, not for pre-thinking project goals, which I don't believe [...]
Your Honor. Pacolli, Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Government of Kosovo!
Your project for the transfer of the University of Pristina from the capital centre to the fields and workshops, somewhere in its suburbs, essentially constitutes an antinational project. Antinational, not for pre-conceptional project goals, which I don't believe you have, but antinational in the consequences of its implementation. From time to time, a paradox of human behavior does not cease: wanting to do good often makes fights.
The reason for this project is a fundamental fact: Pristina University is not just Universities. Pristina University has been the focus of all semi-century efforts to affirm Kosovo's Albanian identity and efforts for cultural and political liberation from the brutal Serbian rule.
Its territory is the territory of the identity and historical memory of the state of Kosovo. Anyone who has an elementary culture from human knowledge knows that memory and identity are linked to certain locations and territories. From Mount Sinai in Egypt to Ground Zero on September 11th in New York, the entire history of human culture is evidence of this powerful connection of memory to the territory of its events. Manhattan's billionaires would have reinstated the twin towers ravaged by the terrorist attack in record, but it was finally decided that their country would become a territorial sign of memory. Two new towers, of the same size, were built a little further. In this way balance has been found between economic interest and identity interest.
Deterritorisation of a nation's memory gradually eliminates its memory, and eliminating historical memory for a nation is opening the way for the nation's own disappearance, for, said British historian Eric Hobsbawm, the nation without going through is a contradictory term. What makes the nation is just his past, and this past, inseparably, depends on connection with certain identity territories.
Pristina University's removal from its territory is the disappearance of historical signs that confess the birth and development of the Kosovo Freedom and State project. It's the bulldozer destruction of a central part of this country's collective memory.
But the antinational consequences of this project do not end here. It envisions refunctioning the Milosevic political church, which is near the National Library.
This too is an act against the historical memory of this country.
We all know that church was built to mark the total Serbisation of Pristina and Kosovo. Its failure, practically and symbolically, presents confession to the failure of genocide in Kosovo. This church, such as it is today, supports the best memorial of Serbia's failure to attempt ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, so in this capacity it must be preserved and preserved. The transformation from memorial to functional religious institution is equal to the disappearance of a historical sign of our bitter past.
Your project for the transfer of the University of Pristina from the capital centre to its core constitutes an anti-European and regressive project.
Everyone, who has basic knowledge from social knowledge, knows that modern societies, at least in the western hemisphere of the world, are based on the principle of secularism, which means the religion shift from the center of social life to its suburbs.
With your project, you are looking to do exactly the opposite: modern knowledge, science, and secular culture of degdising in the suburbs, and religious dogma to return to the center.
That's it: Those who want to study the western liberalisation of John Lok, for human rights, as foundations of the constitutions of Western democratic countries, have to go to the suburbs, while wealthy Saudi Arabia sheikes will come to the centre to legalise Islamic dilemmas on allowing or not allowing women to drive cars. There are no horns.
So, with this idea of Tuaya, it is achieved that the European project of Kosovo becomes peripheral, while the salaphist tendency is centered in the heart of Pristina. In that sense, your project is contrary to the very tasks described as Kosovo Foreign Affairs Minister, the task that comes out of the national strategy to make our country part of the Western world's political, cultural and spiritual system of political values.
Your project on displacement of the University of Pristina from the capital centre, to its core, expresses capital arrogance, the arrogance of billionaires, who, besides their profit, are not interested in anything else in this world. This arrogance today manifests itself, in the most brutal way, in developing lands, where, in the name of development and modernization, history, identity, and priceless values of human societies are destroyed without mercy. We, it's true we're a developing country, but it's also true, that we're European. Kosovo is not Kazakhstan, nor is Pristina like Astana, the state chief's private property.
Pristina's Muslim community has the full right to building a new mosque in the capital, but no one, whoever it is, has the right to encroach on or eliminate signs of our freedom.
Our freedom is above any other value we have, and of course, even over the need to get a few more votes in the power struggle to provoke people's emotions. The American philosopher of the 19th century James Freeman Clarke, while watching the unscrupulous race for votes in his homeland, made a big distinction between ordinary politicians and necessary states: The first only think about the next election, the second only for the next generation. New countries, under construction, such as ours, need more for the latter. Make the right choice! You have the case!












