Kurt sent <x0 political>” Thaci, but not candidate name for prime minister

Kosovo politics has experienced much from 2010.

Two presidents, Fatmir Sejdiu and Behgjet Pacolli, have been toppled, with the Constitutional Court's rulings. Four sets of extraordinary choices have been held. In the summer and autumn of 2014, we witnessed a full six-month paralysis of Kosovo institutions when it did not become the institution of the Kosovo Assembly.

Something rough, but in the shorter amount of time, it happened in the summer of 2017.

He was surprised by the connoisseurs of political circumstances in Kosovo, who have already experienced all possible post-election complications and crises and that there is nothing to surprise us anymore.

Turns out we were wrong.

Perhaps no one has been able to assume that the winner of parliamentary elections in the country, which following the clean proportional system assumes the right to lead the actions of Kosovo's new government, will not receive the mandate of Kosovo's president to create the Government of Kosovo.

Many days and weeks past have blamed the Kosovo Constitution for such a development, when Albin Kurti, the leader of the Vetevendosje Movement and the candidate of this party for the post of Kosovo government prime minister, has not responded positively to five successive efforts by President Thaci (his first letter was made public on December 27th, the last on January 10th, as formal consultation was conducted on 6 January), to formulate his efforts to build Kosovo government.

According to them, the Constitution of Kosovo has had to establish and establish that timeline as well, following the constitution's framework, within which the party/A coalition's first-ever candidate for prime minister in the election receives mandate from the president.

Such a thing is totally paradoxical. Kosovo's constitution could be amended so that in the future all political traps that have emerged to us in the absence of absolute constitutional precision. However, perhaps no one has been able to predict that a politician, who now and many years ago has claims to lead Government, when such a case is offered, will reverse this constitutional possibility because in the meantime has realized that he does not have the parliamentary majority needed to make the Government of Kosovo.

The candidate who for 20 years aimed at the prime minister's post is now complaining that he is being pressured to take over the post, even taking the role of the Constitutional Court to interpret the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo.

In the role of Constitutional Court Speaker Kurti today has sent a letter to President Thaci full of interpretations according to his wishes, but there was no shortage of the main element: Vetevendosje candidate name for prime minister.

But let's imagine here two other political and constitutional situations, which really tell us a lot about where we arrived as political and Kosovo society.

As it is known, President Thaci, the day after the founding of the seventh legislature of Kosovo (first was that of 2001), or on Friday 27 December addressed Albin Kurti with a letter through which he was invited to make initial consultation with him to initiate the procedure of his mandate.

Suppose this would not happen that day, or even in the coming days, that President Thaci would remain at all silent, not fulfilling his constitutional obligation, to call Albin Kurti to the meeting, just as those close to Vetevendosje represented.

President Thaci would be politically and mediaised, being charged as violator of the Constitution, as an opponent not only of Albin Kurti and Vetevendosje Movement, but of the very result of the 6 October general elections.

The second situation, also imaginary, puts the LDK instead of Vetevendosje Movement, in that position of a winner of the election, while bringing the LDK mandated would be identical to that of Vetevendosje -- that of refusing to take the nomination.

Even here, in this case, we would face tremendous political and media pressure for the LDK to either take over the government's mandate or allow the second in a row to take advantage of the case.

Although clear signs of politics and opinion were investigated this week

Kosovo has begun to lose patience with the behavior of Albin Kurt, however, the leader of the Vetevendosje Movement, for many causes, which, above all, coincide with the tiredness of Kosovo's citizens with traditional political elites in the country, seems to still have time to turn this problematic political situation into benefit itself.

However, there is no doubt that Albin Kurti, with his political behaviour from December 26th onward (since the Kosovo Parliament was introduced), is testing once again the stability of Kosovo's political system, as it has done since the founding of Vetevendosje Movement from 2005 to today, but this time from another dimension.

In the first period of this movement's existence, or in 2005-2010, Kurti and his associates through constant protests, which did not go into violent demonstrations, essentially the direction Kosovo official politics had taken, in partnership with the US and the EU, to make Kosovo independent.

The second chapter of Vetevendosje, which recognises the time bow 2010-2014 duplicated the participation of Kurti and members of this subject in two parliamentary and local elections, in order that even within Kosovo institutions to challenge the sustainability of Kosovo's institutions and state, with the ownership of protests in Pristina squares.

In the third period of the existence of this movement, in 2015-2016, Kurti managed to attract the other two Kosovo opposition parties, The AAK and the Initiative (after the failure of the VLAN project), so street protests managed to settle in the Kosovo Assembly Hall, with tear gas and all other violent means, while Kurt's goal was for political decision-making in Kosovo to take place in Pristina squares, paralysing power and the state of Kosovo.

The newest chapter -- the fourth political development of the Vetevendosje Movement -- has reached this relative victory, Kurti's half electoral victory, which does not really provide enough parliamentary and governmental capacities to impose an agenda of itself political, which cannot take into account world-renowned facts, where Kurti stands out with strong opposition from the Ramboullett Conference (1999), without which Kosovo would not be released, as well as the Vienna Process (2005-2007) without which Kosovo would not become an independent state.

He even rejected the declaration of independence that the Republic of Kosovo, the state for which it is now paradoxically candidate for prime minister.

Kurti has been built as a politician with his principles, which he has in no case denied, despite having to get more votes been changed to public shows.

He never accepted the Ramboullett Conference or the Vienna Process.

The state of Kosovo for Albin Kurti is only a transitional, flawed, half-witty solution to the Albanian issue in Kosovo, while its actual solution will be made to join Kosovo with Albania.

Albin Kurti is trying all these political maneuvers of recent weeks so that a relative electoral victory can turn into an absolute post-election victory, on all political and media fronts, blaming it The LDK and Isa Mustafen for failing to establish the Government of Kosovo and warning of the possibility of organising new elections if it does not become prime minister.

The idea of major political change in the country, of fighting corruption, of empowering the rule of law, of improving the social and economic situation, following the fatigue of Kosovo's opinion with traditional political elites, is, of course, a political tool for the outworking of its supreme purpose, which distinguishes its consistency from Kosovo union's idealist with Albania, which is based on principle and its change.

This persistent and principled one, Zaten Kurti, has confirmed especially in media-supplied interviews in Albania in November and December last year.

Kurt will never give up his political principles and his goals of an Albanian idealologist.

Sooner or later it will be understood that all those politicians and local thinkers, as well as Western diplomats, will think Kurti will change or that it will adapt to political circumstances aimed at strengthening the state of Kosovo.

Kosovo politics and Kosovo society should, according to Kurti, adapt to it. Not vice versa.

In this context, Kurt still has political and media initiative in his hands.

He does not care at all about his constitutional obligations, because for him the Constitution of Kosovo is a political battlefield for the construction of his goals.

He still thinks he will be able to duplicate his political and moral commitment to the establishment of the Government of Kosovo (this obligation is made to voters who have backed him on 6 October), drawing to himself the LDK of Isa Mustafafa, Kosovo's oldest party, which at the time that President Ibrahim Rugova was in front of it, has contributed greatly to empowering the idea of creating Kosovo's state.

In their reports with Kosovo's new history, with the state of Kosovo, there is nothing in common between Albin Kurti's Vetevendosje Movement and Isa Mustafa's LDK.

However, if this political situation continues in the coming days and weeks, there is no doubt that even this fragile political and financial stability of Kosovo will be tested even more, with unpredictable consequences for Kosovo and its citizens. /Warn.net/