Who's fighting in Skenderaj?

Division in Vetevendosje took place in the only municipality with which this party ruled in Pristina. And it's similar with the PDK division where it seems that the crisis is located only inside the strongest bet, in Skenderaj. This party was divided even earlier, which resulted in the founding of the Initiative (for Kosovo/Social Democrats). But even that rift had been if it wasn't located in the bastion, then very close to him. Drenas, Malisevo and now Skyraji are municipalities that have built the epitom of the PDK militant. Like Pristina containing it, the epitom of Vetevendosje Movement activist.

In both cases, we're dealing with divisions that explode right in the heart of subjects. But, the PDK's particular one in this case, is that a silent hostility to the Jashar family is erupting. The party, led by Prime Minister Kadri Wessel, gave support to Bekim Jashari in the recent municipal elections. And he won without a run-off, by a huge margin of votes. But won as independent candidate, not as candidate PDK. This, however insignificant, actually contains the key elements for the start of hostility. Which has already exploded and will hardly stop in the city alone.

This morning, Bekim Jashari accused the PDK chairman in the Scikyright municipality, Sami Lushtaku, of sabotaging his work. Similarly, Sami Lushtaku had dismissed Bekim Hagi, who openly sided with the mayor rather than with the party. Yasar went further, accusing Lushtak of abuses at the time that the latter was chairman. Lushtaku told him to go to the prosecutor. While in the recent conflict, the Vetevendosje Movement, which was accused by the mayor of supporting it, was also involved PDK and not that.

But what's really going on? Clearly, Bekim Jashari has the backing of PDK chairman Kadri Wessel. This is identified by the defense being done to him by Bekim Haxhiu, former member of the SHIK and a close man of Wessel. It is not hard to understand that the PDK is seeking to remove Sami Lushtaku from the party as a necessary way to reform the party. From this point of view, it is clear that not participating in the Vetevendosje Movement session did not imply a support for the PDK. On the contrary. It is Bekim Jashari who, accepting PDK support, failed to violate the strength of this party in this municipality. Yasar would really have to run as an independent, or receive the support of another political party.

Already, The PDK has managed to repel the only political force that could crush power in the municipality and jeopardise the full destruction of this party. This political force that could delegate it is the Yasar family. But working with PDK cannot remain clean and people's respect will be reduced for Bekim Jashari and his family.

This PDK division actually suits itself PDK. Through the divided element, Mr. Lushtaku, who is expected to be the party chairmanial candidate, will attack Jasharin '%, but will do the same indiscriminate through the media he controls and through eventual injury to business in the municipality. In the meantime, alone. The PDK will come cleaner than all this.

That the PDK manages to take advantage of the divisions, this is counted with the Kosovo Initiative since it immediately increased the number of votes in the subsequent central elections of 2014.