Vucinqi is surrendering, seeking alternative to recognise Kosovo

The Serbian president has only representative functions under Serbia's constitution, his post is symbolic, without practical competence. But Aleksandar Vuqiq has for five years all reins of power in his hands, as head of the powerful Progress Party -- first as deputy prime minister, then as prime minister and now as president of the state.

From time to time, Vuchy decides to deal with great things. For weeks, his appeal for Serbian internal “dialog for the Kosovo theme, in its interpretation “, a historic” perspective for reconciliation with Albanians. All there are Hollywood elements: this very president, who in the 1990s was a blood - hungry nationalist who daily lied to Albanians, wants to solve the issue.

Dialogue with an autism?

The problem with this job: The president of “opened” discussion without offering a platform. So in Belgrade they wonder how, when, where and what they'll talk about. The word must be received by all actors, even the highly conservative Serbian Orthodox Church ʹ more Vuciq did not say. He himself will first hear what is said and eventually make a decision. Can such a view be such a historical dialogue?

“In essence, Aleksandar Vuciq does not have a clear idea, but previously disqualify others, who have different opinions than that, says Dusan Janic of the Belgrade Forum for Interethnic Relations, which is intensely concerned with the Kosovo issue. According to Janjic, Vuciq's call for dialogue is nothing more than a tactical maneuver: “I properly asked you, you didn't say anything, so I'm going to decide myself, but I'm going to share responsibility with you.”

The opposition civil society refuses at all to deal with this -- with an amnesty you can't still make dialogue, it says. Crushed right-wing parties, which can garner 15 per cent of the vote, smell treason: according to them, Albanians should not be spoken to. Certain ideas about a division of Kosovo are also heard in the media, as far as a possible Kosovo membership in the UN.

At a time when the president diplomaticly welcomes all proposals, his party's companions stormed the government's close media against political opponents every day. Thus, they are branded as <x0frifty”, when silent on the topic of Kosovo, or as false “patriots” and Serbian “wurries, when expressed on the subject.

Witch Hunting Against Critics

The independence of former Serbian province Kosovo today is recognised by 111 states around the world, but not five EU members and rightly veto powers in the UN, Russia and China. In Belgrade this job is particularly seen: Kosovo's independence should not be recognised, but reality must be accepted. The agreement reached in 2013 in Brussels with the government in Pristina thus envisions the full integration of mostly Serb northern Kosovo in the republic of Kosovo, which many observers interpret as an actual recognition.

A popular thesis says: as an ultranationalist who has been, President Vuciq has to behave here today pragmaticly on the Kosovo issue, so that the West can quietly bear his princely style of government.

This tactic seems to be working. At a time when his Party of Progress makes witch hunts against critics in the country, divides jobs and posts based on the party list, and limits workers' rights, Vuciq is praised in Brussels and Berlin as a pillar of stability in the Balkans, as an active reformer, and even as a visionary. The criticism of nepotism or the lack of rule of law is mentioned in a loud voice only rarely and only on the sidelines of EU progress reports.

After his call for dialogue for Kosovo, it was written that Vuciq “is jumping over the dark shadow of Serbian history”. A song of praise that he could once only dream of.

Kosovo's theme promotes emotions, populism

Can the Serbian holder, of which he is said to have the courage to wipe out Kosovo's preamble from the Constitution of Serbia? That's the hardest question. Because although Serbs living in economic woes do not care deeply about Kosovo, only two to three per cent see Kosovo as an important topic: Kosovo's theme includes even more high emotions. Referring to the battle at Kosovo Field (in 1389) Kosovo continues to be called “The state of Serbism”. Even further, 80 per cent of Serbs think that Kosovo's independence should not be recognised in any way.

“We have no idea, sir, even Serbia's wisest mind cannot offer solutions at the moment. We should first see how we will see Kosovo and Metohija in the future, what we can get without being forced to recognise Kosovo's independence”, says Vladimir Djukanovic, deputy of the ruling Progress Party. And he, like Vuchy, was formerly an extreme nationalist. Kosovo and Metohija” official name of “is considered a political statement. This talk has been mandatory for all those who have had some power in Belgrade.

“This waste of self offers possibilities for populism”, Dragoljub Mitsunovic, one of the oldest members of the opposition Democratic Party, thinks. With that, the country's oldest deputy criticises even his party leader, who diligently repeats the magic formula “Kosovo is Serbia”. “Politicians present themselves as defenders of our economy, culture and others they cannot save, but Kosovo does! This protection of Kosovo does not need evidence, the story is sufficient. ”

Kosovo Albanians are currently working on themselves in Kosovo for a new government, but in general show little enthusiasm for what is heard by Serbia. If it did not end with recognition of independence, the domestic dialogue is in vain, outgoing Kosovo Foreign Minister Enver Hoxhaj wrote on Twitter. /DW