These were Serbia's plans for partitioning Kosovo

What were the models Serbia considered over the past decades for resolving the Kosovo issue? Time.net brings research of Belgrade's “Novosti”.

The president of Serbia's invitation, Aleksandar Vuciq, for an internal dialogue on Kosovo and Metohija, as the official Belgrade and the local media continue to call the Republic of Kosovo (the following will only be referred to as Kosovo), with the goal of finding a lasting solution that would exclude conflict as an option, has prompted days past the commemoration of earlier proposals on how to select the Kosovo article, writes <x>Novoso” In search of applicable models over the past several decades, there have often been analysed proven experiences among countries around the world, from broader autonomy to border-sharing, while “Novost” has isolated some of the most controversial opinions in the world (to remind us that Serbia has repeatedly tried with its proposals to cloud its intention to keep Kosovo occupied, or to sever the part that would render what would remain out of it worthless. So we suggest that this research of this newspaper be read, which is as if nothing has happened in Kosovo for the past 20 years.

1. Sharing in Albanian, Serbian territory

The late academy, Dobrica Qosic, had opened the Kosovo issue at the Central Committee's (LKJ) meeting in 1968, while in the early eight years, it considered partition as a sustainable solution. According to him, it would be a fair, compromise and sustainable restriction and the only way to avoid secular antagonisms between Albanians and Serbs. The Albanian Greater expansion would be halted and conditions for the normal life of both peoples would be created, while the restriction of Serbs and Albanians would be without the intention of clean ethnic territories. The medieval Serbian manuals would gain a ministerial position under the model of Athos (athesis is an island in Greece, in which monks and powers live, and the Serbian Orthodox Church is exercised, while the Greek state exercises no political or legal intelligence. In short, it's a state of state, our clarification.

One of Dr. Milovan Radovanovich was to reduce the province to 40 per cent in Serbia's favour, the other 60 per cent, which would remain for Albanians, to gain broad autonomy, without the possibility of it endangering Serbia's sovereignty.

To the idea of Albanian division, the Albanian side responded with the proposal for “Territorial exchange”: if the line of division was drawn somewhere through Kosovo, Albanians were joined by Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja.

It says that partition has never been Belgrade's official state proposal, writes “Novosti”, broadcast Koha.net.

2. Rionnet, Cantonese, and New Settings

The RFJ's region or division into 13 regions, as we once called the Kosovo Albanians our clarification, Kosovo and Metohia would be two separate regions under that proposal.

The creation of five cantons for Kosovo Serbs had proposed by historian Dusan T. Batakovitch in 1998. Under this plan, which this one had called territorial reform and not division, cities in the province would be under mixed Albanian-Serbian administration, and five cantons would mainly include the majority Serbian agrarian territories, which would be attached to monasteries with properties they had had until the 1941 war before the exploration. The borders of municipalities would change, so that the possibility for the formation of small municipalities would gather municipalities and villages mainly with Serb populations. Albanians, meanwhile, would be allowed to choose the type of adjustment themselves.

3. Establishing Classical Unitar State

The RFJ's transformation into a classic unitary state, in which autonomous provinces (formerly Socialist Republic of Serbia's proposal) would be surprised.

4. Trade and Copy of Republika Srpska

Since the late 1990s, speculation was that Belgrade's bid for the international community could be the exchange of territories: Kosovo for Republika Srpska. A decade later the idea appeared for Kosovo's north to gain broader territorial, substantial autonomy and to be some entity, similar to Republika Srpska.

5. Federal status as a possible solution

Initially in the late '90s, it was said that it would have to be considered for Kosovo to be granted federal status, respectively, that it should be the third republic under the RFJ (the state in which Serbia and Montenegro remained, at the same time called the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia our clarification). A little later, the idea of Kosovo federalism and the status of Serbs as a constitutional and non-national minority people in Kosovo had explained Zoran Djindjic in the latest interview given “Novost” on 7 March 2003. He expected the Security Council to discuss this model, and if it doesn't work, as another crossroads he saw talks about “some Cypriot model for Kosovo, with a civilized territorial shift of the population”. With the Federation of Kosovo, Serbia would have asymmetrical reports with the Serbian entity double-connection, while with that Albanian relatively looser. But if that would not work, then Djindjic had said, a type of “definition intern” should follow:

The last spare reference is: the international conference in which it would be seen how it would all be resolved forever.

6. South Tirol Model

It is often cited as the model (South Tyrol Model ) whose elements are probably the most implementable in Kosovo's case and the future AKS (Serbian Communist Association). After World War I, South Tyrol left Austria and joined Italy, while after World War II, broad rights were granted to the German minority under the Paris Agreement. Some 35 percent of Germans and about 60 percent Italian live in South Tirol. How that model works, “Novost” quotes Thomas Vidman's 2014 statement, chairman of the South York Assembly:

A series of legal and administrative competencies have been transferred to Southern Tirol. The province has primary and secondary competencies, but there are also state competencies. In primary competencies, cultures, nests, social affairs, roads, local public transportation, trade, industry, civil protection... Within these areas, South Tyrol can issue laws regardless of state provisions. Secondary competencies are sports, education and health, while defence, police, judiciary and finance are in the hands of the state.

7. More than autonomy, less than republic

A decade before Kosovo unilaterally declared independence, the formula “more than autonomy first appeared in international circles, less than the republic”, while later during negotiations with the Albanian side, the Serbian bid was: “more than autonomy, less than independence”. The first meant a similar status that the 1974 Constitution had enabled, with equal participation in the establishment of federal laws, the independent extraction of its constitution, its Headship (like other republics our clarification).

The second meant expanding autonomy compared to 1999 and international guarantees.

8. The Island Islands Have No Sovereignty

The islands are not independent, they have their own government, parliament, flag, police... but sovereignty belongs to Finland. They have fewer than 30,000 inhabitants, of whom 90 percent are Swedish, and of them are about a thousand.

9. Martti Ahtisaari Plan

UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan envisions Kosovo as a multiethnic society, while exercising power would be based on the equality of all citizens. It envisions broad autonomy for Serb municipalities under Pristina's full power.

The Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) in Kosovo would be recognised as part of Belgrade's SPC, while Kosovo institutions and authorities would have access to its spaces by permission of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The UN Security Council, after the Russian veto, has rejected the Ahtisaari Plan.

10. A Two - System State

One state, but two systems, Hong Kong, respectively, is an example of broad autonomy, parts of which the Serbian side has helped “ ” during negotiations with Kosovo Albanians. The difference with Kosovo is that in Hong Kong the majority of the population are Chinese. After returning to China's sovereignty in 1997, a century and a half of British power, Hong Kong became a special administrative province. It has its own currency, legislative power and independent judicial system, but the All-Kuncan National Congress annul Hong Kong laws.

11. Agreement between two Germanys

With the agreement from 1972, the German Federal Republic (Western German) and the German Democratic Republic ( Eastern German German) there is no mention of mutual recognition of the two states, but it is estimated that they will develop good inter-side relations and non-reception of common borders, and that they will link a series of agreements from the economy field, culture, health, telecommunications, sports. Even this model was mentioned during negotiations with Kosovo in 2007 (the EU representative has introduced it to “ ” mediator Vofang Ischinger), even mentioned today by the West politicians' side, the main argument of this solution is that Germans in both Germany lived, unlike ethnic structures in Kosovo.

12. Experiences Won in Northern Ireland

Elements of the solution to the ethnic and religious problem in Great Britain have also been considered between representatives of the Protestant majority and the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland. During this conflict Catholics tried to unite Northern Ireland and Protestant unionists England. With the 1998 Peace Accord Northern Ireland gained the government with broad autonomy, while the premilative Catholic IRA gave up violence as a way to resolve conflicts between Catholics and Protestants.

13. International Crisis Group

Prior to Kosovo's self-alarming independence, the International Crisis Group (GNK) suggested that all sides should agree that Kosovo will not be allowed to join Albania, that there will be no division of it, and that international presence will continue on some grounds even after reaching the agreement.