“Basha's story with the Peruthropologist who investigated “Yellow house” in northern Albania

“Basha's story with the Peruthropologist who investigated “Yellow house” in northern Albania

José Pablo Baraybar is a Peruvian anthropologist who has worked as a UN expert on war crimes scenes and genocide in Haiti, Rwanda, Bosnia, Croatia, and of course Kosovo. In Kosovo he has led from 2002 to 2007, OMPF, created by the Mission [...]

In Kosovo he has led from 2002 to 2007, OMPF, created by the United Nations Mission U. NMIC. In five years he has led expeditions to the ground for civilian casualties and identification at the request of family members.

But why his name relates to that of Lulzim Basha, and under what circumstances the Albanian public learned about Basha's involvement in drafting the KLA's alleged crimes file in Kosovo.

Former head editor of the Shekulli newspaper Adrian Thano, today editor and editor-in-chief of the newspaper DIA contacted Baraybar after he was interviewed by a Swiss newspaper in 2010. This is “Le Temps”, which along with “Tribune de Geneve” is one of two newspapers published in French in Switzerland.

Switzerland is where the hardest hit is from KLA on charges of the so-called “yellow house”. Dick Marty is also Swiss, and former KLA leaders accuse him of drafting his famous report after receiving a makeshift file from the Serbian secret service, exactly from the Serbian ambassador to Switzerland.

Adrian Thano says that after publishing the interview at Le Temps, he contacted both Mr. Basha and Mr. Baraybar. Asked about what the anthropologist Peruat wrote in the Swiss newspaper, Basha then issued this statement published by the century:

It's a stupid lie. I've never been in my life and much less translate for the master in question. In 2004, I didn't work for the Tribunal, but I was in UMNIC responsible for establishing the Ministry of Justice in Kosovo and transferring the competencies of UMNIC this ministry.

I remember that the gentleman has been hired to help with the identification process and to examine the remains of missing persons during the war in Kosovo, and unfortunately in this context, more than 1800 citizens whose fate is not known.

In 2004 my responsibility has been to prepare the transition from the UMNIC to a Kosovo justice ministry, and the gentleman in question has had a completely different task. This is taking note of such an important issue that there is no record of the fate of the 1800 likely victims on Serbian territory -- that is, shift to false and unbacked accusations by no facts and no single evidence”.

After that, Baraybar was contacted. He was told that Basha denied your statements at Le Temps, saying he never met in his life, and much less translate for Baraybar.

Baraybar reacted rebelliously to the telephone line and insisted he knows Basha well:

“Lulzim Basha has been with me in Kukes and districts, to look at the base of the KLA and verify an indicator, that there could be people buried in the village of Bicaj. We were with a British Land Rover, and I have an idea that must have been the spring of 2003. After Kukes we headed for Bicaj, and talked to some villagers. Basha has been my translator on that trip, Baraybat told the former head of the century.

We introduced ourselves as street firm employees, and we talked to the villagers, who responded to things about World War II or something, and if the Serb comes to Albania again we expel him. Basha said that maybe we should leave, because the villagers would think we weren't a street firm” He's coming.

According to anthropologist, reactions like Basha's do not help and these jobs are not solved by political slogans.

All I can say is I'm disappointed by Basha's reaction. He has been aware of speculation about the conduct of Kosovo Serbs and Albanians in Albania after the war due to his work at the Ministry of Justice. This does not mean that these speculations or accusations are true, only a thorough investigation can give the final seal in them. But he can't say that what I'm saying hasn't happened or used nationalistic slogans, because he knows what this is about” Baraybar concluded.

Adrian Thano adds that beyond those published by the Shekulli, there has also been a statement by the Prosecution concerning the events allegedly occurring in 2004 in the Burrell area, which also stated:

A process of inspection and joint verification of investigators coming from The Hague and Matt's district prosecutors in several locations in the Burrel area has been developed. At the conclusion of this process, Hague investigators along with Matt's prosecutors concluded that the data held by Hague investigators for what was allegedly happening in Burrel did not result in the truth“.

Baraybar is not alone. The doctor from Kosovo, Tefik Gashi, also part of the investigation team, testifies to Basha's presence in investigations about the Yellow House.

Another confirmation comes from Fred Abrahams of Human Rights Watch, which makes it clear that “Bash has worked for the Court and the Department of Justice next door U n NMIC after the war, and personally investigated information about the locations of these detentions in northern Albania”.

After these two other evidence, Mr. Basha did not respond further.

Indeed, anyone who has agreed to be part of the investigation into events in Kosovo, as part of UNMIK structures, could be in this situation. Basha too. Much more if he was just a translator. Then why does he try to hide a fact that cannot be so mysterious?

One of the former KLA leaders, today an analyst associate with the newspaper DIA, Bedri Islam, answers this question:

There are several reasons. If he would accept this, Lulzim Basha could be called prosecution witness in the trial for Thaci and others, since he was part of building this charge. Politically, that would put him in a very embarrassing position. The other in what Fred Abrahams says about Basha's role in investigating the events of war becomes a definition that could have other consequences: He has investigated information about the locations of these detentions in northern Albania. So not just for one place, but for many of these”.

Islam also speaks of a structure set up by the Karic Brothers from Peja, especially by one of them, Bogoljub Karic.

This took an unprecedented step: the factory of false witnesses who would have been part of the events, not just the yellow house. These false witnesses, not only Serbs, would be well paid and some of them paid in return for their testimony.

The Karic Brothers in Kosovo have not been a regular gang. They had their own private bank, safety network, secret service, and were the closest people to Jovica Stanisic, Damir Fazlic's uncle,”.

It should be noted that Basha's reaction in the century was his second over the so-called “yellow house”.

A year before the Baraybar interview was published, the yellow “house was mentioned in a book published by Carla del Ponte and Basha of conditions called her accusations, “brockulla”.

Finally, what did anthropologist Baraybar declare in Le Temps, the beginning of all of this?

Below, part of his interview with the Swiss newspaper, which notes that despite the interview, Baraybar says that blood on the walls was not an inherent test to confirm the charges of organ trafficking, the paper in its title has recorded exactly <x0-blood on the wall” and published the article under the obilion Traffic Organs.

Le Temps: Mr. Baraybar, when and how did the first information come to you?

José Pablo Baraybar: I already had information on the files I found when I arrived in Kosovo in June 2002. But, two months later, we got from a source a very cutting file over the “home yellow”

Le Temps: Who sent you, who is this source?

José Pablo Baraybar: I cannot answer that question. The file contained eight evidence of people unknown to them and had participated in transporting prisoners across the border with Albania. Some had accompanied the victims to “the yellow house”. There were even pictures of this house. She was yellow, but two years later I found her painted white.

Le Temps: What did you do?

José Pablo Baraybar: The big problem was that UNMIK had no jurisdiction over Albania. You could not make an official request. So to try to verify some information about the file, I crossed the border as a visitor in a common car. My translator was called Lulzim Basha. He worked for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (TPIY). He later became a minister in Albania and I heard him say last year that all this organ history was bullshit. While I know he knows. He was with me. He had the file.

Le Temps: Was this journey fruitful?

No. We introduced ourselves as engineers in charge of building a road. We asked questions in KLA camps. Our main goal was the Bicaj cemetery, south of Kukes, where Kosovo Serb bodies were found according to the file. But they got us, and we had to leave without going to Bicaj.

Le Temps: Finally how can you control the Yellow House in February 2004?

This has been very complicated. We had to convince. T YOU know she wasn't interested in this. But only she could get the authorization to work in Albania. The American representative in Pristina was also not interested.

Le Temps: And what did you find?

The job was terribly difficult. This time we were accompanied by an Albanian prosecutor who did not say we were wasting time, that it was too late, that we had to go back and so on.

According to my translators (Bash) the prosecutor told the residents (Family Katutci) how our questions should be answered. We found in a trash basket after home bags of medication, mostly music calmers, syringes, even a transfusion instrument. All this in the middle of nowhere. It was unthinkable that those village residents would know how to use these materials.

The Albanian prosecutor insisted that we leave. We still had time to do an experiment with Luminol, a product that records traces of blood. We saw clearly two lines on the right corner in the main room like on all sides of a table. There were also traces on the walls. We didn't try to take a part of this because we didn't have the tools and Luminol on the other hand neutralises the elements of the trace.

Le Temps: In your opinion what happened in this Yellow House. Dick Marty suggests it was a transit country, torture and medical tests but not the removal of organs that must have occurred at Fushe-Kruje near Tirana airport.

It's very difficult to say that from the data we could gather. I didn't think that place was a clinic. Seeing his isolation was not the ideal place to pull out or pull out kidneys. But it may be possible to select people there. All in terms of walls covered with blood we have found these in many other places crime in Kosovo.

Le Temps: After the search of the Summer House and what did you do?

I had nothing to do. It was all in the hands of TPY.

Le Temps: Why didn't TPY do anything?

It is strange that the former prosecutor (Carla Del Ponte) publishes a book that talks about it, while she could open an investigation when she was in office before 2007 and when the court should complete its investigation.

We did our job. They mean you had no jurisdiction over Albania. But if you cared, they could be more active themselves. As they could investigate over 470 missing after KFOR arrived.

They investigated very little and their only two counts gave nothing. It has to be said that the UN police were a disaster. You were a driving cop in Switzerland or England, and for six months in Kosovo you were charged with an investigation into war crimes. Where do you start, what will I do?

Plus you have to conduct an investigation against the country to welcome, where the leaders are the ones who investigate. How can you balance everything you have against them? I was once in Pristina with a special UN representative, I'm not giving names discussing a crime that UCK was responsible for. He told me: “There's Thaci at the door. Can you get out of the back door? It's real policy, I understand, but a crime is a crime.

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