Venture beneficiaries' political ties at the Ricallos Ministry

On 25 September 2007, Hashim Thaci was to present 13 young people to the public, to present himself as experts. He had done so in the campaign's first campaign, which would put him in power.

The Halili offered as a graduate of Political Sciences at the University of Graceland in the United States. Along with him, Blerand Stavileci and Kapllan Halim were introduced.

After the elections that followed, Thaci became prime minister, and Halili did not have any positions in his government due to a change in personal career plans. Years later, Stavileci was to become minister of agriculture, while Halimi for years is the secretary general of the same ministry.

A million euros as a grant has benefited a consortium, whose carrier is “Novus”, which is headed by Halili.

The man PDK promoted as an expert, says this is the first grant from the ministry and that it has not influenced the fact that Thaci was offered, nor the proximity he has with two former agriculture ministers from PDK ranks, Blerand Stavilecin and Memli Krasniqi.

I, Pleat Halili, am not part of PDK”, he said. “These are developments that happened over 10 years ago and they don't even have anything to do with the work I do now in the private sector. And possible recognitions with the referred persons do not have and could not affect the process. So, legally there is no and there can be no conflict of interest in subject in question, as is your question” biasedly raised.

But there is a recent development that involves it with politics.

Several months before the grant was won, a corruption was developed that has raised doubts about misuse of the state budget related to Kosovo's lobby. It also mentions the name of the Hallil Pleasant. But, the main word is Hashim Thaci, now president and on two prime minister terms.

At the end of 2017, British lawyer Geoffrey Nietzsche had complained to Avni Arifi that the government owed about half a million euros to him for his commitment to the special court, but also for the assistance given to Alan Donnelly and Suzy Jagger, author of the biography for President Thaci.

To do the job for Government, Nice wrote that, under the agreement, he co-operated with other parties like Donald and Jagger and also with Halil. There he pointed out he believes they're paid. And if that had happened, he wanted to know why he had acted differently when he had had a key role in the work done with such individuals.

The letter also pointed to Halil's specific role. For him, he had written that he would commit to providing a closed system through which materials would be carried that Nice and the lawyer Nevonka Tromp had collected, which would require Kosovo when the Special Court begins on charges. However, according to the British lawyer, Halili had suddenly cut off contact and had no longer responded to them.

We were waiting for a notice whether safe space was provided to carry the material, but we were never notified by the Halili Pleatt”, it says on paper. “After a while Mr. Halili cut off communication with us without giving us an explanation of”.

Halili has not indicated in what capacity he has communicated with this British lawyer, committed to Special, but also aided his biography for Thaci. He has likewise denied any support given to this biography.

I don't have any contractual, business or other ties with Geoffrey Nice. I respectfully ask you to remember that the context in which my name is mentioned in the corruptions between the other sides makes it clear that I have had no engagement and no role between Groffrey Nice and Hashim Thaci. Consequently, any quotation is indirect and does not relate to their communication themes. The nature of my engagement is described in Geoffrey Nice's letter that was made public”, he said. “With respect and friendly manner I was reminded that interpreting published letters and the question posed is wrong and biased. Once again I am no part, no knowledge, and no support to any book. As for information, in cc of this email there is a company attorney who will make an assessment of any possible scripture on your part with defamatory or prejudiced”.

Unlike Halili, Rade Utvic has not threatened. In fact, he has not wanted to speak at all about the grant gained, the project, nor his connections to the community politicians, and one of whom is leading the Ministry of Agriculture.

Utvik has long been among the privileged farmers of parallel structures in the Serb-inhabited north. Except that it has provided funds from them, it has also been part of structures in the north that have fought Kosovo's constitutional order.

With a proposal of “The Minister for Kosovo and Metohija”, which in the past term has operated in Serbia, Utvic was elected member of the so-called “Regional Development Council for the Kosovo region and Metohija”. This illegal forum had chairman and 12 members proposed mainly by “governing municipal structures” in Kosovo, appointed by the Government of Serbia.

The Council, in addition to having the task of promoting regional development goals and encouraging their realisation in “the region's geox1>, had to give opinions on “regional strategy”, and also advise and report to the Government of Serbia.

“Give thought to the region's development financing programme, which is founded from the Republic of Serbia budget”, is one of the tasks this parallel body was tasked with in Kosovo. “T] presents the Government and the National Council with an annual report on his work”.

When asked about participating in this council, Utwick said that he does not know what it is about and that he only now listens to it. But he changed his words when the newspaper conveyed the contents of the decision with which he was appointed a member.

“As far as I know, this compound didn't have any collection”, Utvic said, after seeing the content. I, at least, haven't been to this meeting and I haven't heard that this team worked. I can only speak in my name”