The Inner War Shaking the House of Saudis

The political transition that Saudi Arabia is experiencing these days is neither simple nor painless: power is suddenly passing through the new generation of the Saudis' house, dynasties that have so far been governed by numerous children of Kingdom founder, King Abd al-Aziz; the sudden climbing of Mohammed [...]
Procrastination in Yemen, almost defeating Islamic groups in Syria, paid to overthrow Assad, sudden interruption with Qatar, and finally the fist of the successor in recent months, which ousts his cousin from the heir's role: these and other elements, are enough to understand that, within palaces and residences in Riyadh, in recent months something has been moving at a speed that, on the one hand, can accelerate plans for the surrender of power from one generation to another, but from another, negatively affect the delicate balances of the interiors, as well as the different powers that make up the realm. From the military, to businessmen managing foreign investments in the kingdom, from religious leaders to intelligence services teams, who have always been fragmented into numerous groups, there are many components describing the rich mosaic of Saudi state, and throughout history, have often reached very close to the point of total imbalance of balances.
To confirm a climate of real tension and war for power, a discovery of New York Times has helped, in which the one between Mohammed bin Nayef bin Selmani and Muhamed is not a mere rotation, but a real fall launched by the current sultan's son, against his wiser and older cousin; the New York daily bases its own reconstruction of facts to some sources even in the United States (in particular, details revealed by four American officials) in Arabia. After announcing the delivery of the staff between Bin Nayef and Selmani, the left-handed cousin has returned to his residence in Jeddah, but, from that moment on, no longer emerged from the palace; according to New York Times sources, Mohammed Bin Nayef can't leave the house and much less from the country: a real prison, that is, a dynamic that seems more like a coup without blood than a simple transition.
Although he does not specifically mention his sources, the New York daily seems to rely heavily on this reconstruction, which he views as very reliable; in the context of the article, sent by the correspondent to Beirut Ben Kubard, also appears to be a video posted through the Tuiter and through state TV by Saudi media, where Mohammed bin Salman kisses his cousin's hands and the last one to tell him. I'm happy. Now I'm going to rest. God help you” An image, therefore, of the quiet and peaceful passage, but it may also be false and toʹte refers to a ceremony last few months ago: the fact that the video was launched by the Saudi government agency, the APS, may be evidence that Riyadh rushed to show a less tense atmosphere than the one described in the New York Times article.
Events Followed by Washington
Spectators interested in what is happening inside the Saudis' house are certainly the United States: The government led by Donald Trump, in May, reached a $110 billion arms supply agreement for Saudi Arabia, fully supporting the Saudi political line, against Iran, and, immediately thereafter, the embargo against Qatar came in view of revenge against terrorism financing, a circumstance that has since overcome even through agreements (many of them) signed between Dohas and Washington just weeks ago. The struggle between various Saudi branches, however, concerns Washington with many balances in security services: Mohammed Bin Nayaf has long been among the security leaders in Arabia, this role has allowed him to strengthen, over the years, the numerous relationships with some of his American counterparts since today, seeing Mohammed Bean Salman's movements express no little concern about what is happening in Riyadh.
Always in Ben Kubard's New York Times article, however, it is said that the same members of counterterrorism who have doubts about the ambitions of Saudi king's son, do not publicly shape their thoughts because of the special connections Mohammed bin Salman has with the Trump administration, being a personal friend given to the president, Jared Kouchner (the husband of his daughter, Ivan Trump). In March, Bin Salman was among the first foreign representatives to visit the White House, after choosing the New York tycoon and also, in April, the Saudi government approved the appointment of another descendant of Saudis to the heir of the throne, as ambassador to Washington: it is Khaled bin Salman, whose appointment presents arm strengthening near Mohammed bin Salman, since Donald Trump's election.
Future Screens
The state of health of King Salman is the debate in Saudi Arabia: adjacent to power on January 23, 2015, taking over his brother Abdullah's place, the current ruler is 81 and seems to suffer from a mild form of old age's madness, and this may require a possible commitment in favour of the new heir, who was appointed on June 20th. But whether or not to continue his reign, the direction taken by Saudi Arabia, with movements in recent months, now seems firm: his son, Mohammed, now, in the quality of the defence minister and heirship, is imposing a speeding up of Iran's counterinvasion plans and the fight against the Muslim brotherhood, funded by Qatar. All of this, with the approval of the Trump Administration. However, as mentioned at the outset of the article, balance in Saudi Arabia and the House of Saudis seems very uncertain and delicate, and the acceleration of events, imposed by Mohammed bin Salman, may seem, for his ambitions, as a two - edged knife.
The reconstruction of New York Times over the state of Bin Nayef's arrest, of course, has not been confirmed by Riyadh authorities who, with a statement by an official for Reuters, have denied having tensions; however, climbing the new heir to the cousin's back resembles an internal coup. Mohammed Bin Nayef is highly respected in Saudi Arabia, and his sudden and unforeseen commitment has not been seen so well, within the country and abroad. The Saudis ' internal conflict, therefore, may not end here - amid genuine or perceived tensions, the turmoil caused by the monarch's choice to appoint his son as heir can foster new evidence of strength, and as a result, other shocks, in the intermediate politics of the Great Kingdom. /Il Gyornale World.al












