Kosovo facing a political test: compromise or new crisis?

Kosovo appears to be slipping again towards early elections, not as a result of a democratic necessity, but as a result of a continuing political failure to build consensus and function institutions.

Although the process remains technically suspended by the Constitutional Court, the political signals are clear: the country is entering another election cycle that risks producing the same HINA results.

Analysts warn that, despite the Constitutional Court's final decision regarding President Vjosa Osmani's decree to distribute the Parliament, the new elections are almost inevitable.

All indicators show that, after the end of the constitutional deadlines, whatever Kosovo is, a new electoral process” awaits Kosovo, says analyst Artan Mujariri.

Kosovo's Constitutional Court has imposed temporary measures until 31 March, suspending the effects of the presidential decree.

This means that, by then, the date of new elections cannot be announced, but the president's election hearing, launched on March 5th, cannot be continued.

The requirement for assessing the constitutionality of Osman's decree was submitted by Prime Minister Albin Kurti's Vetevendosje Movement, with the argument that the process for electing the president has a 60-day deadline to close.

A Way Toward Elections

According to Donika Emin, by the Balkan Policy Consultative Group in Europe, Bi EPAG, even if the Court decides in favour of interpreting the 60-day deadline, political reality remains unchanged: the lack of consensus has made electing the president almost impossible.

“Currently, there is no signal for consensus among political parties for electing President”, it stresses Radio Free Europe.

Osman's mandate expires in less than two weeks.

The president's election in Kosovo is made by the Parliament and requires qualified majority of votes, which makes the process dependent on interparty compromise. In case of failure, the country goes to elections.

Some political parties are already handling the election scenario as carried out.

Prime Minister Albin Kurti expresses sceptical that the elections will bring real change, warning a “following legislative and institutional agony”.

On the other hand, the opposition sees its responsibility in power.

According to Democratic Party of Kosovo Chairman Bedri Hamza, the lack of will by the parliamentary majority, is pushing the country towards the elections, at a time when, according to him, “Kosovo needs stability, responsibility and development”.

During a TV presentation on Klan Kosova, days ago, the chairman of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Lumir Abdixhiku, said political parties have launched the new institutional “”.

“under current circumstances, secure are new elections. Safe”, he said.

And, the most pessimistic said Ardian Djind of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, which warned the possibility of two parties' elections within the year, if even after the new elections, no agreement is reached for the president.

The task manager can only stay six months, which means the deadline by 5 October. If we have neither president nor government by then, the country will have no choice but to go to the elections”, Djind stressed for the media in Kosovo.

Under such circumstances, the fundamental question that remains is, What do choices mean?

Free choice?

According to Emin, recent years' experience shows that repeated election cycles have not led to substantial changes in the functioning of the political scene.

Even the recent elections -- held on December 28th -- about 10 months after the February 9th 2025 elections -- confirmed the dominance of the Vetevendosje Movement, without guaranteeing a real capacity for institutional consensus.

The new elections will most likely yield results similar to those of the previous one. There can only be small moves in the percentage political parties can win”, she says.

A potentially new factor may be Vjosa Osman's eventual return to the party scene, but even this, according to Emin, would bring a partial reconfiguration rather than substantial transformation of the political scene.

According to her, the problem lies, not in votes, but in the lack of compromise culture.

If the situation continues in this direction, areas where citizens benefit from the political system remain very limited. This remains perhaps the most disturbing consequence of the entire current crisis”, Emini says.

The Danger of an Endless Cycle of Crisis

Both analysts warn that Kosovo is entering a vicious circle, where elections do not solve the crisis, but recycle it.

Muhramiri estimates that, in theory, a decline in support for Vetevendosje Movement would be logical, due to lack of political co-operation, but the latest experience shows otherwise.

I don't expect a big change. So thought last year, and here we are today”, he tells Radio Free Europe.

According to him, the only real change would come from a punitive response to the electorate ʹ a “transformative voting” that would put an end to “political synchronization”.

Otherwise, the vicious circle will continue unsurpassed”, he says.

The consequences are not just internal.

A continuing institutional crisis, Muhramir warns, risks removing Kosovo even from the integration agendas of the European Union, and destroying international allies.

“Backing from European projects reduces Kosovo's geopolitical importance and draws it from the radar of co-operation”, he stresses.

What would political parties have to do?

“in an ideal scenario, the new elections would have to be avoided”, says Amy, stressing that there is still a window for compromise, but only if there is serious commitment to overcoming the stalemate.

And if the country goes to elections, it will only make sense if it is accompanied by a change of political approach, according to it.

“Parties must enter the election process with a clear goal: work for the country's long-term interest, not for political dominance or narrow benefits. This means readiness for dialogue, negotiations on programming and focus on the real needs of citizens”, Emini says.

In the same skeptical line is analyst Artan Mujaziri, who expects no change in approach by the Vetevendosje Movement, but not a clear alternative from the opposition.

According to him, neither the PDK, LDK and AAK have so far testified that they have a convincing strategy to challenge Vetevendosje's political dominance.

“If opposition parties manage to increase support and secure a majority of 61 MPs, then minimum political responsibility would be harmonisation of positions and co-governance in line with electoral power”, Muhramir points out, although he does not believe such a scenario is achievable.

According to him, halting the cycle of successive institutional crises remains the only rational alternative and a direct obligation for the political class.

“On the contrary, any other option constitutes investment in exhumation of the state and speeding up the road to citizenship”, it concludes. /Radio Free Europe