Two mass killings in two days in Serbia: Did NYT's writing warn these events?

The last two days in Serbia coincided with just as many mass killings, leaving at least 17 people dead. The first case was marked Wednesday at a school in Belgrade, where a 13-year-old student, identified as Costa K. He fired a gun at his schoolmates by firing [...]
The last two days in Serbia coincided with just as many mass killings, leaving at least 17 people dead.
The first case was marked Wednesday at a school in Belgrade, where a 13-year-old student, identified as Costa K. He fired a gun at his schoolmates, leaving eight dead peers and a security worker, reports Klankosova.tv.
He was picked up by law enforcement.
Meanwhile Thursday evening, another case occurred in the village of Dubona in the municipality of Mladenovac, Serbia, where a 21-year-old youth with the initials U.B. He fired guns, leaving at least eight people dead and wounding more than 10 others.
Suspect was apprehended by police after hours of search.
And on the very day the first attack occurred, the prestigious American newspaper “The New York Times” published a long writing on Serbian head of state Aleksandar Vuciq, with hooligans from Serbian football groups, but also with the mafia.
It was where events were confessed that when Vuchy was part of these hooligan typhus in the late 1980s.
The article speaks of how the ties of the Velko Belivuk criminal clan to the Serbian state leadership had occurred just when the SNS and Vuciqi had arrived in 2012.
“Over the nine years in power of Vuciqi, Serbian football hooligans and criminal gangs overlapping with them have been involved in the region's unstable ethnic policy and have helped spur Serb uprisings in other Balkan countries. Some express loyalty to Russia. Some Serbs have joined the Wagner paramilitary group, which has its own employment history of criminals and has posted Serbian-language recruiting videos for the war in Ukraine. Although Vuciqi rebuked the group, Serbia remains a kind of connection between Russia and the West. All of this puts Vucinqi in a position of remarkable power. In a crisis, it could decide whether the Balkan region will be decided towards peace or turn to violence”.
“It is no coincidence that both Vuciki and Bellivuk started in football fan groups. Perhaps more than anywhere else, football stadiums in Serbia are seats for power in its worst form, a military and even criminals recruiting group. The statistics were the collections of ethnic nationalism that destroyed Yugoslavia, and those violent emotions shaped Vuciqi and his contemporaries. Today, too, yours approaches a arena on a football night can give you the feeling of walking in a storm of lightning. Police officers line up along the boulevards and as you approach, there are police teams militarized with armor and shields. Fans sometimes sing reproach that they recall during the 1990s ethnic cleansing campaigns. Team loyalty gets almost religious intensity. The chief executive of Belgrade's “Crvena Zvedda”, the most popular team in Serbia, said he is not just a football team, he is an ideology, a philosophy and a national symbol. Crvena Zvezda is the guardian of Serbian identity and Orthodox faith”, writes journalist Robert F. Worth, among other things, in the long NYT article.
Also, this scripture says that Vuciqi's relationship with illegals goes beyond Serbia.
“In 2018, a Kosovo businessman, who is accused by the US Treasury Department of extensive drug and weapons trafficking, was charged with killing a politician there. Vuciqi defended it, calling it “a man who protects the Serbian people and the northern Kosovo hearth”. Paradoxically, Vuciqi's influence in northern Kosovo is part of the reason the European Union views it as a valuable partner. He showed that power at the end of last year during a border crisis that recently threatened to turn into open conflict”, journalist Worth wrote.
The report also mentions the killings between groups of Serbian hooligans as well as their methods of horrible murders.












