Scandalous: Kraja published on behalf of ASHAK the personal position she accused Thaci of, her colleagues rejected

The opinion he accused Thaci of, placing the role of Kosovo <x0ndrader” was published on November 22nd in AAK, which many academics had reacted to.

The Hivzi Islamian academics, Isa Mustafa, Anton Berishaaj, Arsim Bajrami, Muhamedin Towershi had demanded that this “analysis” not be published in the name of the Academy, but that Kraja publish in his personal name.

Democracy. com has provided an e-mail, where Kraa sought out members of A Headship SHOW to read the scripture and give their opinions.

“due to the lack of unanimity in support of analysis “The Destabilizing Goals of Serbia...” by the members of the Academy, by the distributed text, by recontacting certain parts of the content, I drew up a “Declaration of ASHAK” on no more than 7 pages, which I expect you to read and during the next two days (then and Tuesday) to let me know about the content of this text, including the novels and the event 15x> suggestions are said in the Kraj mail.

Also, it figures the ASHAK meeting procession, where the publication of scandalous opinion on behalf of the Kosovo Academy of Sciences and Arts was opposed.

Headship discussed analysis: “Serbia's destabilising goals in Kosovo and in the Western Balkans”:

H. Islam, I. Mustafa, A. K. Berishaaj, M. Towers, A. Bajrami. It was said that the document in question opens many issues, lacks resources and as such cannot be published in the name of ASHAK. Such documents have to be assigned working groups, with field experts working together. This document can be published by each member of the Academy personally, but not on behalf of the Academy.”, said the ASHAK meeting procession in 26.01.22.

In Kraja's personal opinion, that public burst as A stance The SHAK, allegedly, claimed that the idea of exchanging borders was conveyed by Thaci just after the Special Court was established, according to him “to save itself”.

Even in what they assume Serbia's plan Thaci participated in, A The SHAK also puts up Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, because, according to them, he wanted to present “as leader [...] fearing he might be left behind”.

Read the section where the Kraja “analyizes” these events:

IDEA FOR THE HELP OF KOSOVA

Viewing the opposing positions of parties involved in Kosovo-Serbia negotiations, since the beginning of dialogue by <x0 crisis groups”, primarily former diplomats and NGOs dealing with international security issues, came up with ideas aimed at resolving the Kosovo issue with a radical “ ”, dividing its territory and s “Serbia with the inevitable loss of Kosovo. All ideas about partitioning Kosovo, therefore, were intended not to leave Serbia as a loser in this confrontation with Kosovo and the international community. All designers of Kosovo's partition projects were aiming to compensate Serbia, so that it would accept defeat and take a more principled stance towards Kosovo and its nationalism would become “restructuring” in relation to the region. The conviction was created that with the division of Kosovo and the taking of part of it, Serbia somehow returned the lost “” and that this fact would reflect positively not only in relation to Kosovo, but also with the Western Balkan region, in general.

Regardless of how they presented themselves to the opinion and diplomatic Chancellors, the idea of partitioning Kosovo is the idea of Serbian nationalism, even of its most prominent disciples, such as Cibrilovqi and Qosiqi. Since the eighty-years of the past century, when it was seen that Kosovo's problem would become unaffordable for Serbia, at first Chubriloviqi and later came up with the idea of the eventual secession between the Serbs and Albanians through the division of Kosovo. The idea of partitioning Qosiqi reiterated several times even after 1999, bringing Serbian arguments to the public for such a solution. But still on the political agenda of Kosovo- Serbia partition was introduced after Kosovo's declaration of Independence (2008).

Since 2011, seeing that the so-called <x0technology” with Serbia could include fundamental themes for Kosovo, jeopardising its constitutional order in March 2011 in Parliament, a platform of the Government of Kosovo was adopted, with which the principled “rosis” of the dialogue, under which some fundamental points: sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country was determined, and the Ahtisa Plan for Communities. But, after the establishment of the Special Court on September 1, 2016, and after involvement in its alleged crime mandate during the period of the Interim Government, in dialogue with Serbia and in Kosovo's reports with the inter-communicative community, a completely different circumstance arose: Hashim Thaci, once as prime minister and time as president, introduced Kosovo's partition option as a key means of saving himself from the Special Court, either by making secret agreements with Serbia or by claiming an amnesty as “global gratitude”, for his achievements in promoting peace between the two peoples.

So after it was realized that Thaci could be the subject of the Special Court, the emissions of emissionaries “diplmatic”, which began to move at an extraordinary rate in the backstages of policy decision-making centres, in almost all states that could influence this development. Thaci's great implication and its autocratic nature of rule in Kosovo, some Western diplomatic Chancellors saw it as “gold wrestler “for a quick solution to the Kosovo “issue, so in the background they gave support to his idea, using such a phrase: if the parties agree to a solution even through division, we have no reason not to support such a solution. But, as you will see, the situation on the ground within Kosovo itself was nothing like that, as Thaci and his “resolution from the background” presented. He had managed to dominate several pro-government media, had managed to create internal support mainly through corrupt forms of power, but had failed to change public opinion, which largely opposed the division of Kosovo. On the other hand, the support he received from some North Macedonian Albanian leaders (Ali Ahmeti) that they would calmly accept the partition of Kosovo, not demanding that they join Kosovo or Albania and by not breaking this state, there was no guarantee that with a partition of Kosovo, fragile peace would not be destroyed simultaneously in this “crethecrease to the Western Balkans.

In the idea of Vuciki and Thaci to uncipher Kosovo-Serbia reports through the division of Kosovo, each with different reasons and motives, at a great speed was included Edi Rama, always inclined for leadership and “feared” that he could lag behind in these contradictory developments. Other international factors, such as Turkey's Erdogan, were then involved through which powerful lobbies were made in the direction of Putin and Russia, then included by heavy Western lobbyists, without leaving a part of the pro-Albanian and proserb lobe in America. Four years in a row of performing diplomats towards Hashim Thaci, domestic and foreign, paid cash to Kosovo taxpayers, insisted on supporting the idea of partitioning Kosovo.

The intense contacts and continued communication of the Rama-Thaci-Tachic, secret and public times, and efforts to convince the opinion of Kosovo and Serbia on this option brought forth conflicting ideas, but concrete projects, which began to circulate in political Chancellors, in the media and here and there in the opinion. One thing seemed to be certain: in addition to the powerful tear by Thaci and Vuciq and their power in Pristina and Belgrade, in the drafting of these “secret projects, with maps and broad descriptions of how this division could be carried out were also taken away by serious lobbyists and donors, all gathered about the idea of the mist, that there was already a major change of the political climate in the Western Balkan region. But of all the skeptics of such “overlap”, mostly distrustful were Kosovars, who understood two things: the first, that the partitioning of Kosovo and its northern association of Serbia would not be compensated with the Presevo Valley; and, second, that Kosovo's union with Albania with Serbia's help and approval was a manipulating political flag, without any real basis.