History Rescript

The rewrite of history as historical and political process is largely and significantly present in post-conflict countries, where public and political debate, legal and moral responsibility, as well as the likelihood of delegate to conflicting processes, are still at stake. Such is the effort of Serbia and its allies. They initially hold the public debate on local plains and the international table this topic and at the same time refuse systematically and obstinately to accept responsibility for what they have done. Their long struggle at this point has great reason.

Historical battles like that of 1999 are big and important battles because they also constitute political moments that often generate new social and political sub-processes, remittances of money then neutralise the success of other processes, or vice versa. Expressed in simple analogy: If the oak is cut to the roots, its branches will fall. Victory was ours, totally. Meanwhile, things have changed.

Serbia's effort to rewrite history in Kosovo is not scientific but political effort. It begins with contesting protests and the political demands for autotonism, which it has called and calls separatist processes, and continues on, calling it UCK as a terrorist organization. The rewrite of history is not the process of complete denial of facts but of their neutralization, first of all, through generalization. Serbia does not say the war did not happen and that it did not intervene militarily, but that it was Albanian separatists who provoked the war and that, recently, it says Albanians also killed Serbs.

The reality, historical and political reality, and especially scientific reality, seems iron. Serbia, during the 1999 war, has killed over 12,000 civilians, violated about 20,000 women, destroyed about 70% of the infrastructure in Kosovo, and stole the financial and cultural wealth of our country, not to mention here systematic and structural violence over decades -- violence that constituted flagrant violations of freedoms and Founding Directs protected by international conventions. These are evidence verified by creditable civil, military, media and international political institutions.

There are at least two reasons why Serbia engages in rewrite history. Firstly, intervention in Kosovo has not been merely military, but preceded by a social engineering] from plans for the so-called final solution for Kosovo, plans designed by the Serbian academy. So their criminal activity is not just the design of a fascist party in power, but, deeper, the academic elite project. This complicates bearing responsibility because involvement is much broader than one leader, that one party alone, and a potential recognition of responsibility would be collective and popular. Serbia says: The acceptance of history cannot be merely party or individual, so let history be rewritten. The second reason relates to efforts to delegate freedom and through its independence to Kosovo, and thus allow the achievement of our country's full international subjectivity to be impossible. Within the context of the lowering of the head in the face of facts and rewrites of history Serbia has been trying to establish intervention, placing legal responsibility only on paramilitary formations, and doing some kind of maneuvering in its military hierarchy.

We're here today. On one side we have the Republic of Kosovo, which is on the right side of history and we have Serbia that can't face the past but insists on actual neutralization. In the middle of the battle for history, we already have the Special Court wanted and established by our Western allies. The Special Court is a more political than legal instrument that is in line with Serbian claims about what happened in the country. The Special Court is the product of intense Serbian propaganda as well as some of our internal concessions.

For years in Kosovo not only did not promote the values of war; aid, solidarity, sacrifice, soldiers and citizens under extraordinary circumstances of war, but, in the country, a stigmatizing spirit for all represented the Kosovo Criminal Army. The attempt to rewrite history has not only been external but also internal, of those seeking to become new heroes of the old battle, of those not satisfied with their position in the course of history. This, therefore, reduces the war simply to historical events and numbers statistics -- stripping it of its values, as well as instigating it from political groups, are two of our greatest concessions of political character that helped Serbian efforts to rewrite history.

The road ahead is not an easy one. Kosovo must insist that the historic fight for the protection of the Kosovo Criminal Army does not turn it into an election campaign card, but to protect it strongly, in science, in art, in politics, and elsewhere. The KLA war represents the dramatic turn we have together, politically towards liberal democracy, ideologically towards the West. We need to establish the institute and the NLA museum as well, through art and cinematography, to promote our historic right internationally. Thus, we contribute to the failure of Serbia's efforts to rewrite history, to change the position of the victim and the gelatin, while this position was just as it should remain, clear as tears.