Qos: Political developments in Albania, Kosovo make me sad

With all the shortcomings, mistakes, concessions, unfulfilled promises, political language when and when Prime Minister Edi Rama's permissionless, the June 30th elections will be more promising than denying them for resolving the Albanian crisis. After these elections, the effort would have to be made to organise political talks between the parties [...]
Political developments in Albania are regularly followed by electronic and published media in Tirana and Pristina. Political developments in Albania (and Kosovo) now cause me distress, when and when despair and sadness.
I look at these political developments and think of them as reminding them of the most marked eras with their achievements in Albanian history.
And these are four ages.
The first is the age of Skenderbe, such as the Age of Action, in which people were protected and protected from the unstoppable attacks of the Ottoman Empire. The political pictures of this age were figures of high social and moral integrity.
The second is the Age of National Renaissance, such as the Age of Thought, in which the purpose and ideal was to create Albania state, then ruled by the Ottoman Empire and the Albanian, then spirited by Istanbul, Vatican and Athens. The political and intellectual figures of this age were political and intellectual figures with high national devotion, high social consciences, and high mental integrity. It was this era of the mind and the most exemplary ethics in Albanian history.
The third era is the Age of Communist Socialism, as an era of totalitarian thought and dictatorial action, in which by means of mental totalitarianism and by the work of the state was built and strengthened and national consciousness strengthened. The political figures of this era in all views were uniformized.
The fourth age is our age, as the age called of Democracy. But, this democracy, how it's showing its party, political and state practice, is a lying democracy. Political classes of this era, as it is clearly seen, dominate political irresponsible people, often inconsistent in their thinking and actions.
Instead of political, social, and state reform, which would bring about the improved lives of the people, which can be made stable only by cultivating science, culture, long - suffering, members of this political class devote their utmost care to their political and political positions, party and state always having their own interests at first. For this reason corruption, nepotism and varied privileges have become the fundamental denominator <x0 historical” of party and power activity in this era in Albania and Kosovo.
Further, the dominance of this political and state mentality, the age initiated 30 years ago, will be marked in Albanian history as the Age of falsehood that has conquered the truth, the fraud that has conquered sincerity, the injustice that has conquered justice, the irresponsability that occupied accountability, the music that has occupied cooperation, the violence that has conquered democracy, the appreciation that has taken hold on honor, and in other evil verses.
Today's political and institutional crisis in Albania, initiated, continued and dangerously exasperated by the forward chairman, Sali Berisha and the current DP leader, Lulzim Basha, unfortunately satisfied with Albania's president's party bias, Ilir Meta, and added with some measures of unfreed evaluations when and when affecting Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, adds to the uncertainty of Albanian citizens who are also adding to their departure from their country and creates a very deteriorating view of Albania in the world.
The burning of DP deputies and other parties that make up the opposition, with which voters who have given them the vote have been offended, makes their demands and undemocratic their protests morally uninhibited.
Even for that reason, the June 30th elections could be called controversial by an opposition from which they could objectively not be rejected: from an opposition who, by burning the mandates of MPs, actually burned their own sanity! June 30th elections, so they can be held. Maintaining them becomes even more reasonable even though they are accepted by those states that are of the greatest, most desired and most crucial political, state and social influence in Albanian life and politics: from the US, from the United Kingdom and from the states of the European Union.
No election annulment can be required, the removal of the party chairman who has won the Socialist Party chairman's election can not be required from one party, from an opposition, which makes efforts to come to power with such demands, which makes efforts to come to power, not by elections, but by protests in which fundamental means are lies, slander, unmatched accusations and various violence.
Election annulment cannot be required, and the collapse of the government cannot be required, as the Democratic Party and its allies are seeking by furthering the view of the national state, the view of Albania, before the world on all counts of accusations and all kinds of slander.
The postponement of elections and the overthrow of the prime minister and government cannot be required without thinking that postponement and that setback have political, institutional, constitutional, state-run consequences that do not bring about overcoming, but the rise in crisis.
Despite shortcomings, mistakes, concessions, unfulfilled promises, the political language when Prime Minister Edi Rama's permissionless language, the June 30th elections will be more promising than their denial of resolving the Albanian crisis. After these elections, the effort would have to be done to organise political talks between the crisis sides, and then it could be thought and could be accepted to hold early elections not only local but, though not -- not even general.
Albania desperately needs a catharsis that would mean political and state accountability for tensions, conflicts, several-year-old spiritual poisonings that the Albanian people are experiencing. And this accountability would have to precede reforms that would have to take place first in the parties themselves and then in key institutional components of the Albanian state in general.












