Gjonlekaj relates how he donated the Leka Dukagjin “Kissinger

The arrival of American astronauts to the moon on August 29, 1969, and American President Richard Nixon's visit to China was a miracle of time. This visit to China was prepared by U.S. National Security Adviser Dr. Henry Kissinger. Photo of Henry Kissinger's handshake with the top leader [...]
Photo of Henry Kissinger's handshake with the top Chinese leader Mao Ce Dunin was something remarkable for the time. That historical picture was published in all American and secular journals and newspapers, and then it was seen on all American and world television screens. By then China had been the greatest enemy of the United States. Henry Kissinger's arrival in China was a huge step towards the Chinese-American relationship.
That was probably the greatest diplomatic step of the United States after World War II. I don't know why, but this picture was recorded forever in my memory. I never thought one day I'd meet this legend of world diplomacy, writes about Koha.net former reporter of the Americas' <x0 Minster”, and now the editor in New York, Geke Gjonlekaj.
In January 1999, I moved to Manhattan in Park Avenue and on 50th Street to visit an American friend of mine. I had brought with me a copy of Leka Dukagjin “Kanuni” ( Code of Leke Dukaagini to give him a gift. There are many tall and luxurious buildings in this area of Manhattan. While waiting for the elevator, I noticed Henry Kissinger approaching. After the elevator was stopped I kept the door for him. He thanked me and smiled. My noble conduct greatly delighted me. I felt good, even excited and mustered up courage to talk to this genius diplomat. I asked Dr. Kisinger? (How are you Dr. Kisinger? He replied: “Okay, thank you” (Good, thank you). After touching the elevator stamp, I realized that his office was on 45th floor. I started the conversation, commending him for some scriptures he had published in the American press those days on the Kosovo issue.
He thanked me with a smile and added that he was pleased that I had enjoyed his writings. A week earlier, he had participated in a Balkan conference in Budapest, where he had also talked about the Kosovo issue and added that an Albanian participant at that conference had not liked his views. Maybe he was right, said Dr. Kissinger, but I presented my position for that region. As we were talking about this, the elevator stopped on the property floor. As I had in my hands I showed Leke Dukagjin Canun, and I told him briefly that this was the oldest Albanian code and I added that it was from the 20th century. We call it “Magna Kartal” of Albanians and I want to give them a gift.
Then he said: “In the waiting room of that office, I was so happy to have the opportunity to meet such a popular personality. I stayed in that room thinking about the sentences I would write on the front page of the Kanun. In that gift copy, I wrote:” Former US Secretary of State and the greatest diplomat of this century, Professor Dr. Henry Kissinger donates this to Albanian Code editor Gjeke Gjonlekaj, former reporter of the “American Voice”, and left very happy that I was able to connect with this giant world diplomacy. However, I never expected it, but after a week I received a very friendly letter from him. In that letter, he thanked me for the gift and fine sentences I had written on the front page of the Kanun. Then he wrote about the good publication (point print), noting that he would put it with other books in his own library. The letter was very short, but the words were very friendly. I was very happy, and after a few days I sent them by mail and other English books to Kosovo, among them the wonderful book of Kosovo history “The Skopje-Prizren Archbishop through the centuries” Dom. Gas for Jean and put five English works of Ismail Kadare in that package. Again I received his letter of thanks.
I had always been curious about his attitude about Kosovo's problems. During the 1980s, Henry Kissinger had great ties to Lawrence Eagleburger, former consul and later ambassador of the United States to Yugoslavia, who to the administration of President George H. Bush was the foreign minister of this country. His appointment to this task had disturbed the Albanians of America, because Lawrence Eagleburger had been Yugoslavia's great friend. David Bender of the newspaper “The New York Times” wrote that going through the State Department corridor had heard Serbian-Croatian speaking National Security Adviser Brent Scoowcroft and Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger. General Brent Sowcroft had served for a time military attaché in Belgrade.
David Binder had brought to light the New York Times “and a CIA study about the possibility of the national unity of the Albanian people in their Balkan lands. Henry Kissinger's opinions on international issues were always appreciated from the time of Richard Nixon's administration down to today. The presidents of this country always seek his opinion on complex international problems. They are usually published in America's most prestigious magazines. During NATO's attacks against Yugoslavia, we expected his opinion on Kosovo. It didn't take long and a week after NATO's entry into Kosovo, it published in the American magazine “Newsweek” entitled “as joy fades”.
Dr. Henry Kissinger wrote:
For those of us who questioned the capability of pre-war diplomacy in Kosovo, we owe due respect to the Clinton administration for the invincible resistance, the ability to support the Alliance's union, and the silent Russian agreement. But victory leaves us with an equally difficult challenge: to avoid our permanent presence, at a corner of the Balkans as modern invaders, as if they had been the Ottoman and Austrian empires.
The so-called Petersburg plan risks staying open on two sides, forcing us to blend even deeper, putting us in the role of gendarmes in a region of deep hatred for each other, where we have few strategic interests.
Even when the peace plan agrees with the Rambouillet agreements, it still endangers permanent American participation in a series of endless conflicts and possibly a guerrilla war.
The bombic language of the agreement was designed to be insurmountable, which each side could consider favourable to themselves.
The peace plan prohibits autonomy and consistently affirms Yugoslavia's sovereignty. But the Kosovo Liberation Army fought and suffered for independence and not for autonomy.
After all the suffering experienced by KLA soldiers and Kosovo's population during ethnic cleansing, it is unacceptable to them. Demilitarizing The NLA is even more difficult to imagine could happen.
Kosovo's evolution will have a profound impact on neighbouring countries. The first impact will be on Albanians in Macedonia, where they make up about 25 percent of the population. Probably they will, too, demand the same rights as Kosovars. Even Macedonia's collapse could trigger another Balkan explosion. The same pressures can be felt by the small Albanian community in Montenegro. There are also calls for a united Albania, encouraged by Tirana and Albanian immigrants providing financial support.
It would be great wisdom to expect the Gordian Night, granting Kosovo independence as part of resolving the Balkan problem.
Kosovo has become a symbol of the loss of Russian influence in the world.
There were several sentences from Kissinger's analysis of Kosovo's future, published in Newsweek magazine, a week after NATO's entry into Kosovo.
My writing has no other purpose, just to show readers the modesty and nobility of this titanium of American and world diplomacy, writes Gjonaki.












