Editor Stop civil war in Vetevendosje

Shpend Ahmeti resigned from all positions in Vetevendosje Movement. And this ignited the fury of activists and supporters of this movement, who strongly offended Ahmet as they had done with the other resignations.

Pack-a-very known that part of the resignations, not being close to either of the other political parties in Kosovo, will form a new party with a profile similar to Vetevendosje. And this profile also defines their alignment against this current government, which we learned from the “Afera Proto” uses as a methodological foreword. So we can have a new party that goes against this irresponsible way of governing.

The next-to-date fight against the ruling political class and the PDK as the gravitational centre of parties and other related people. And the damage to this war is like a major infusion for Kadri Veselin, Ramush Hardinain, Hashim Thaci and their people. They were falling. No one was believing in them anymore, but the incriminating disk makes them stronger. And look at what they're doing right now: without the point of shame, completely inconsistent through Haradinaj, they're strengthening their network of clientilism.

Vetevendosje succeeded in receiving an extraordinary result in last year's parliamentary elections, and this was more than supporting Vetevendosje as a party with a certain ideological profile, whether we want to accept it or not, showed the large number of unhappy and hopeless people waiting more from the state. And there were too many people who did not vote at all but who can choose for future change.

Unstopping licenses have to do with some genuine rage, since all of this is happening at the time when Vetevendosje was going on inevitable toward power. But this genuine rage is spread only among various supporters who are not bound by Movement through different personal interests. But no, never, not even with activists and other officials. These activists and officials who are vomiting bitter grief at those who give up have found the opportunity to be politically reduced, and they are naturally exploiting it.

Vetevendosje should not be seen as a single goal, but as a means towards achieving certain goals. Suppose: reducing social inequalities, increasing state mechanisms, fighting corruption, contributing to Kosovo internationally, increasing quality in education and others. If the party/Move is not instrumental in this way, what is its value? If it does not underrent the general good and the Republic, it becomes the same as other political parties, with the PDK leading.

Kurt himself said he was against links and insults. He said that I speak to the people of Movement through my example and that since he doesn't deal with abuses and links, that's how other activists should act. This kind of normity can be applied in the case of powerful people, but Kurt is nothing less than party leader. Of course, the heads of the parties of the states also speak to people through their personal example, but nor do standards continue, since the head should not be in any position.

Kurt's view would be contrary to his principles in order to tell people what to talk about and what not to talk about. But he does such a thing constantly, and it's natural being party chairman. In this case, created circumstances may even produce serious political damage to his own movement. It would be ridiculous if, in the near future, the natural idea arose from these insults between activists and supporters, that Vetevendosje has red lines with PDK, Serb List and the evental party formed by those who resign. Especially knowing that the PDK considers it an extreme right party [as Kurti himself said, interpreting the slogan: family, property, state] and the Serb List as linked to Serbia [the position freely accepted by the latter]. But there would be no reason to reject the evental party of those who gave up, which would make it inconsistent and even ridiculous in the eyes of citizens.

This vent of resentment should stop as soon as possible. Of course, if there is no reform of goals: well, if the goal is still to be brought down by PDK power. Anyone can sense civic discontent with governments up and down, and it would be the wrong approach to undermine opportunities for future co-operation between backward parties and similar goals.

Vetevendosje cannot undo what happened, and cannot destroy their eventual group/paratin. And neither can the latter destroy Vetevendosje. In a future, these parties could end up in a coalition government together and all this is happening, both sides would like it not to happen. In addition, 32%, achieved in parliamentary elections, could be added even more, considering how weak Haradinaj government is and civic discontent with it.

We are repeating it: of course, if the intention to overturn current political thinking has not yet been reversed. But if the goal is simply to reinforce position in the party hierarchy, each separately, of all this chaotic mess, this Periscop advice is not worth it.

Kurt must respect the freedom of speech of each person, but he also needs to have his message coming from his example extend and articulate. After all, is that not exactly an incompatibility of ideals and values that made him critical of those who left before leaving? Kurt must respect the freedom of expression by his activists, but he must also respect the freedom of choice [even this is the same: expression, or choice, of his former decomposing collaborators.