German Ambassador: Special Game gives impression that Kosovo does not adhere to international obligations

He believes this initiative is not over yet. But it shows that Kosovo has been warned of the consequences it could have in the case of the special abolition.

The ambassador has reiterated once again that there is no asylum for migration that is linked to the economic situation.

“Azili is given to politically persecuted people and war refugees, who enjoy a special defence status. Then our approach is not to solve Kosovo's economic problems by allowing as many Kosovars migration to Germany”, he has said.

Serbia has also talked about dialogue Kosovo.

DW: At the end of the year, specifically on December 22nd, we saw an attempt by some MPs to abolish the Special Court law, there was a harsh reaction from the QUINT countries, how much damage would the abolition of the Special image of Kosovo be?

Christian Heldt: This initiative is not over yet. We have clearly warned since December 22nd that this attempt to abolish the Law on Specialised Chambers would have very negative consequences. Why? International relations apply to the “Pata sunt sevanda”, which means agreements should be respected, which in many areas enable legal security in international relations. Kosovo is on its way to Euro-Atlantic integration. On this level everyone must adhere to the rules of the game. The law was passed in 2015. I know that's not easy for many people, but he can't just undo it a few years later. This would create the impression that Kosovo does not adhere to international obligations, or that puts them into question, that for the integration process it has extremely damaging impact on the capitals of partner states. These partners have one goal: to lead Kosovo towards Euro-Atlantic integration, and this initiative would turn Kosovo back for years.

In this matter there is an added commitment by Berlin and Pars, so that the Special Court of War Crimes will not be undone. The two capitals sent their own envoys to Kosovo. You mentioned several reasons, but why all this concern?

France and Germany are part of the QUINT. That also applies to the same reasons that I mentioned. We in Paris and Berlin see ourselves as important supporters of Kosovo within the European Union. We know that even in the European Union, there are states that still do not recognise Kosovo. We want to promote Kosovo as a success story, that is why such trends question this success story worry us.

Kosovo continues to remain the most isolated country in Europe, there is no visa liberalisation, the demarcation criterion does not appear to be passed to parliament due to various political positions. Is there any other way for Kosovo to gain visa liberalisation, because ultimately it is citizens who are suffering, rather than political leaders who are not ratifying the demarcation? A few days ago, the prime minister declared that citizens are carrying the burden of non-liberalisation rather than politicians who do not want to approve the demarcation agreement through the law.

We see this every day before the embassy. In practice, it is a fact that there are two more and I want to underline that two more conditions, ratification of the border demarcation agreement with Montenegro, and tangible results (rack record) in fighting corruption and organised crime that have not been met. Visa liberalisation takes place for Kosovo and those two conditions cannot meet the EU, but only the Government of Kosovo. So we certainly are aware that the burden is being carried to Kosovo. That is why we strongly appeal that these two conditions be met so that its citizens can finally enjoy freedom of movement. And for that there is no alternative.

Various political analysts say the isolation of Kosovo citizens produces migration, that many citizens take the illegal road to migration. Do you agree with this conclusion?

No. Two different issues are being confused. Migrating affects people who want to open up better vital prospects for themselves means searching for regulated economic and legal circumstances. These circumstances are direct living conditions that can be guaranteed here. So developing perspectives for people in the country should not be at all causal to isolation.

The migration of citizens of Kosovo to Western countries, mainly in Germany, is still continuing, though in far lower numbers than those of the past years, on account of 2015. What are the odds / and that would probably be interesting for Kosovo citizens to hear directly from Germany's ambassador to Pristina for Kosovo citizens to gain asylum in Germany?

Careful, two different things are being confused here too - migration and asylum. It's a fact that the numbers have dropped greatly, because asylum opportunities in Germany are equal to zero. But all of this has nothing to do with migration in the classical sense because we would return to the economic aspects that I mentioned earlier.

Clear. It is known that the reasons of most Kosovars for asylum are of economic nature and that they cannot seek political asylum, as Germany has included Kosovo on the list of safe countries. Many Kosovo citizens, however, are trying to stay in Germany through asylum, even though there is no reason for political asylum. To that end again, is the question likely to be accepted?

Once again: zero. There is no asylum for migration that connects with the economic situation. Asylum is given to politically persecuted people and war refugees who enjoy a special status of defence. Then our approach is not to solve Kosovo's economic problems, allowing as many Kosovars as possible migration to Germany. That doesn't solve problems here at home. So I can only point out once again that asylum should not be thought of as an option at all because if once it is abused by asylum demand, the doors to travel to Germany for years - even with the intention of visiting - are closed.

Many Kosovo citizens already on the legal road have won work contracts in Germany, but they are complaining about the long-term wait for the term to be equipped with visas, why should all this time be equipped with visas at the German Embassy here in Pristina?

Unfortunately, we know this problem very well. We only last year have had an increase in screening requirements of about 20%. It should be considered that visa liberalisation, which is not possible yet, is causing us serious capacity problems. This is about the fact that we, along with long-term visas, also issue tourist visas. It means, even for us as embassys, it would be a relief to do more in other categories, in the service of Kosovo citizens, if visa liberalisation for tourist visits one day really will come true. Until then, we will simply remain dependent on our limited physical capacities beyond which we cannot come.

Then, long-term visa processing takes more time than tourist visa requirements. Unfortunately, we have found that even labor contracts are being misused, so there are more and more job contracts, which do not agree with facts and are partly forged. So the time spent examining the documents of these irresponsible people is blocking our capacities, which we could use for other demands. In this case I can only warn those who use the services of certain agencies, who are all considered with precision, and in the end those who bear the consequences are exactly those who give a lot of money, hoping to start a working relationship in Germany, but who are ultimately ahead of a rejection.

Dialogue with Serbia, there is a impasse in dialogue. How much do you think it should be passed on to another stage of the dialogue, or how should it be handled in this regard?

You know there is a process that is led by the two presidents and mediated by High Representative Mogerini. That's why it's not up to me to give good advice. What can be said is what Commissioner Hahn has also underlined, taking into account the final prospects of all countries in the region, that EU membership will only be possible when all legal status issues are resolved. So the European Union will not accept new members, who in this respect still have open issues. This will certainly also be an important routine for future rounds of dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, because sooner or later reality will have to be recognised. When I say that, I have in mind the situation of citizens of the Serb nationality of the Republic of Kosovo, because they also deserve not only legal security, but equal participation in political and economic developments in this country.

The European Union released the new Enlargement Strategy on Tuesday. The EU has mentioned 2025 as a possible year of membership for Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo in this direction still has a long road ahead of itself. In what areas is Kosovo stuck, according to Jush?

It is true that Kosovo still has a long road ahead of itself, compared to the countries in the region. This is not surprising, if we consider that Kosovo has begun this process later. Meanwhile, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement is in force from 2016, and since sometimes the European Union is said to be not doing enough for Kosovo -- it has been an extraordinary EU job that has been able to reach such an agreement on Kosovo as the accompanying instrument of accession, despite the fact that its five member states have not recognised Kosovo's independence. The SAA, along with the Agency for European Reform (ERA), are two excellent instruments for Kosovo to steer the path of European integration substantially. And the substance is the key word because it's not just about filling something on paper, it's about implementing „acquis” (the legislation) in the country's legislation and the concrete work of government actions. And not to do that to anybody in Brussels, but primarily to improve the perspective of people in the country, on the road to Europe, with what I had started back: the goal of all of us is to create prospects for the future for Kosovo citizens.

Mr. Ambassador to what level are German-Kosovo relations, according to your view now after months of your stay in Kosovo?

Not only since I'm here, but since the beginning there has been a very close relationship. During the war in Kosovo we have accepted many refugees in Germany. But even long before that time, many Kosovars lived and worked. Even today, the largest Kosovo diaspora lives in Germany, which presents a very vibrant bridge between our two countries. We, through the German Army, have engaged in the war for Kosovo's liberation in 1999 and have since invested much in this country. I'm not just about making material investment, but we've done our job first of all. Kosovo is an important topic in Berlin's official political circles, but even beyond it, is the subject of German institutional carriers. We feel connected to this country and therefore are committed to accompanying this country's prospects as closely and as friendly as possible. We are supporters of Kosovo in the international context and here in the country we try to do that within all the contributions we make through our organisations, to do as much as possible to support the perspective in question, and first of all to support the new generation that grew up in Kosovo after the war, which wants to live in Kosovo.

All of this is especially felt on the 10th anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Kosovo.

Since you mentioned the 10th anniversary of Kosovo independence, what is your message to the country's citizens about this anniversary?

I've met ghost people here, especially from younger generations. I want these people to have the opportunity to engage professionally in their country under regular economic and legal circumstances; to feel their country as a place worth living; to participate voluntarily in the country's further construction. I am absolutely confident that these people succeed and I would like that we here, the government together with international partners tomorrow, to take hard work towards Euro-Atlantic integration.