Editorial

It was natural to create a new production scheme after the war in Kosovo, and for flow, a new social structure. And it was also natural that war marbles or marbles would be used for the nation's issue or other similar merits so that we could have access to that scheme of structure. In addition, post-war Kosovo inherited a tradition of improvisement in schools and universities. This caused people not to rise on the basis of qualifications or merits, thus opening up other illegal and harmful ways for the future of the country. Political parties exploited that situation and created clientlist networks, engaging people on the path to undeserved arrivals.

That was the necessary condition for the creation of young Kosovars. Admittedly, a large part of Kosovo citizens do not want to work. Admittedly, there is a lack of professional framework for local companies as reported often in the media. In a word, despite unemployment and great poverty, people are reluctant to professionalise and qualify, being sure of the vast space in Kosovo for professionals. That's because at the top of the social structure were unformed and unprepared people, making society demotivated to engage more strictly in self-building. Kosovo's unuttered dream was a good place to work, not toil at all, so completely unworthable.

And a lot of people realized that dream. Through state administration, public and private universities, government, civil society, etc. They got very unmerited. But Kosovo continued to have an economy say depletion, not producing anything even in the field of knowledge, and very little in culture and sports. A country of two million, with a population of a very young average age, became like a pansy of unproductive elders.

Kosovars' discontent with the political situation was obvious. Even among people who benefited from power. We sometimes saw various university professors who, with numerous spelling and logical errors, criticized the educational situation in the country. Or, the prime minister himself, who criticised the level of education of journalists, although for a brief Facebook post, it took four editings. However, dissatisfaction with the wrongdoing of things was everywhere. And no one saw anything concrete and hopeful. With something foreign to our chaotic nature. Since moral authorities had been devastated, social cohesion broke.

Subtitles: Perhaps he was unaware, but such association did exist. Social injustices by keeping people underage and by misusing them failed to functioning the economic system sufficiently and to create higher jobs and prosperity. Justice is not a moral or religious requirement, even in Western societies. It is in the first place and economyd so things can go well for society. To have more development and production.

Since Vetevendosje Movement was introduced into politics, things changed. Kosovo society made its demand for justice and development more significant and to understand the interconnection between the two. Vetevendosje served in a form as if it were society's superego if we were talking to Freud terms. It went against the phenomenon of clientilism and corruption, promoting another spirit of engagement, promoting meritocracy, justice and development.

Self - determination divided the mind of our society into deeper, simultaneously more resistant to corrupt practices. This is not reflected only in the rise of this party in the last year, but especially in the ongoing contraction of the ruling parties' customer network. The PDK lost a large part of the vote. So does the LDK. While the AAK follows, it keeps its people through some kind of harsher clienteleism than ever. That we have entered a more extreme level of clientelelymism testifies to further growth in government size, and also the increase in salaries for those political servants. This is nothing more than an increase in clientelelysm. But on the other hand, this shows that social support for clientlism as a method has dropped significantly, and the effort is now to connect as many people as possible with the range of interests. And also, for these interests to be as powerful as possible.

Kosovo society showed willingness to embrace a governing model from which it could personally suffer for the sake of the general good. This is because even further our society is unqualified and unprofessed enough to participate in a productive scheme. Yet, she was willing to vote on an alternative to interfere with the distribution of injustices that left her totally social development exhausted.

And this caused people in power to feel a great danger to their social position and the privileges they enjoyed from power. And a part of them were also involved in crimes he could have committed on his way to achieving a good individual destiny. It was a great overthrow, followed by great relief. A few months later, the division in Vetevendosje was revealed, and this gave these people a sense of deliverance. Because that made it impossible for them to develop while not developing a social dynamic from which they would be endangered.

These days, domestic elections were held in Vetevendosje. The mayor was elected Albin Kurti with 98% of the membership vote. Parasely, several very important and creditable people had resigned from positions in the party, jeopardising party division on the eve of a decisive victory. But it seems that the ruling power is not in the interest of re-elected party chairman Kurti. His platform for electing chairman, published a few days ago, makes a strong statement between the power and the party, and immediately further idealizes the party course. Kurt seems uninterested to gain central political power by wanting to re-evaluate the movement's emissive role. So of a slightly different role than Freud's supergee. This is also shown in the precise description of cultural activities that activists have to deal with, then the feelings of activists, and so on.

Injecting strategic measures for radical social changes without an active role of society itself can lead to arbitrary and brutal governance. And maybe, in the time of such profound intellectual and valuable darkness, Kurt thinks it's not good for the Movement to take power, and society lose its movement.