ANALIZE naught, not the quality of education, but the reinforcement of clienteleism

ANALIZE naught, not the quality of education, but the reinforcement of clienteleism

The Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MASHT) appears to have been aware of the serious situation in the education system since the country's early post-independence years. This is identified by a large number of Administrative Guides [ UA] made this decade. A citizen interested in the steps the institution is taking responsible [...]

The Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MASHT) appears to have been aware of the serious situation in the education system since the country's early post-independence years. This is identified by a large number of Administrative Guides [ UA] made this decade.

A citizen interested in the steps the institution is taking responsible for the quality of education, as soon as it enters the website, or window of administrative instruction, would remain concerned. Since the appointments of these instructions, we have a non-serious approach that does not respect the right standards. In some names, it's replaced by '%s', and in other cases sentences are not written properly: for example, rather than quality, it's written "cillusis" or rather than responsibility," it says responsibility.

Today it was reported that there was a clash between the Teaching Union (SBASHK) and August over the eventual testing that would become the first. It was learned that this had not happened so far, since the ministry was expecting a foundation from the World Bank as Minister Valmir Gashi's adviser put it.

He said the union was against an assessment of test and writing teachers, but it didn't show the reasons for this opposition. He has requested a monitoring where eventual shortcomings would be identified. It seems that Yasar's concern is at the eventual collapse of the teaching structure, not in the quality of education itself.

However, the crash appears to be contained in a media misunderstanding, or an unintelligible prenition, because August has no plans for a written trial. The administration guidelines of this ministry - the steps to increased quality in education carefully analyzed by Periscope - indicate something even more terrible: the tendency to reinforce further party employment schemes.

Sincere, open and clear, political parties that were in power over the past ten years have had an abnormally close relationship with teachers. Hashim Thaci, hosting parties and dinners with them, even in time of election campaigns. And so have the heads of various Kosovo municipalities. Most school directors in the country belong to parties governing those municipalities. Clearly, these political parties have used educational institutions to extend power, employing militants and supporters in the roles of teachers, directors and deputy directors.

May 2013 Administrator Guide “assessment of teacher performance” aims at “elaboring the teacher performance system in Kosovo”. But this type of elaboration that was decided to enter into force immediately after the minister's signing is too disorderly and flawed in his explanations. Yet, it illustrates much.

This assessment involves the first point of self-esteem. So the process in which teachers value themselves. It is only natural to ask: How can such teachers be expected to assess their performance poorly, or uncomfortable?

But take a closer look at the four instruments of performance recognition described in the instruction. However, as instruments define the assessment of the school principal and the inspection/exploration in the classroom, and surprisingly, the planning and realisation of the teaching complex.

The first three instruments contain understood [second and expressly] what he accomplished. First, the teacher himself; second, the school principal; and the third, educational inspectors. But in the fourth, there is not a subject that carries out planning and realisation of the whole teaching unit which makes sense. In the meantime, if we arbitrarily establish the teacher as subject to fourth point, we find that we have another logical slide - this time with the first point of self - esteem.

The liaison that tries to create this instruction only reinforces the clientlist scheme of the ruling political parties. The inspector, as the seventh point of Article 9, describes, says that the class the inspector watches should be within the unit that describes himself as the teacher in the form of planning and implementation of the learning integrity. So the Teacher I choose which class I want to legalize, or when tested by inspectors. This enables him to prepare for that very hour. However, this does not mean that he will be good and prepared in other hours when he is not tested. Also, the school principal and we know that most are members of the political parties that interview teachers. What the interview can contain can be prejudged, even rightly given the partisan directiveing. It is unlikely that these directors would have the courage to negatively assess their party militants.

Yet, even if any teachers fail in this assessment, Article 2 of 10, allows him to compile a plan of improvement and professional development in cooperation with the school principal. So won't there are exemptions of people from work no matter how incapable they are. Of all of this comes a great opportunity, both at the scene of an interview between the director and the teacher of this one's performance and between the educational inspector and the educators, and finally at Article 2 on the 10 we just mentioned, to have space for intervention and political interference. More specifically, it opens the space for a teacher who gets a poor assessment to affect through his connections to inspectors, school principals, and finally even to August officials. In a word, this only reinforces the influence of these people but changes nothing in the quality of education.

On another Administratorial Guide of 2016, we have a collapse of our appreciation. The Ministry of Education from the effort to assess teachers dances in the effort to assess schools/ educational institutions. First, it should be mentioned that this Administrative Guide creates a new character - the coordinator.

And from the description of the criteria for it, we find ourselves in the first surprise: this co-ordinator should have four-year school preparation [ preferable educational profile] but at least five years of teaching experience. Among the criteria is another very specific: The co-ordinator must have the skills to manage conflicts.

And we still go out to the political parties: because the one who appoints the coordinator is none other than the principal of the school. And the one I can interrupt the coordinator contract is the principal of the school and relevant municipal education. So, again, we look at politics as it interferes with education. And it would be terrible if predictable conflicts within schools were made precisely by those who would be unjustly expelled by employing other party militants.

Inside the text, we also find repetitions of the same things, perhaps enough to fill pages to make the impression that it is being worked. Suppose the instruction in question is revealed that we have internal and external appreciation even at the end of the text. And then, even though the first article of every instruction is dedicated to the purpose, and the article also describes the goal of the text again being said that approach should be developmental and serve development planning of the educational institution and providing the quality of the educational system.

Steps to increased quality in education cannot be inexorable for a large number of educators considering poor educational preparation. But this is necessary because student education and education should not serve as a social haven for society, through tens of thousands of jobs.

Increasing the quality in education is necessary, but instead, the government's tendency is to reinforce the network of political parties in the field of education.

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