Periscopian Editorial Special Court and Thaci's language resolved

Last month we saw two similar protests by international friends directed to our leaders. Initially, British Ambassador O'Connell released the hall when he heard distasteful words from President Thaci. Even Federica Moghrin, although he was expecting Haradinaj for the first time in Brussels, did not hesitate to release the meeting as soon as [...]
Last month we saw two similar protests by international friends directed to our leaders. Initially, British Ambassador O'Connell released the hall when he heard distasteful words from President Thaci. Even Federica Moghrin, although he was expecting Haradinaj for the first time in Brussels, did not hesitate to release the meeting as soon as he heard them, he wanted strange words from our prime minister.
These two protest acts openly reveal the restriction of language that internationals have imposed on our ruling politicians. They have greatly reduced their vocabulary by making them too sick, predictable, and degrading. This reforming and supervisory policy, this strict prohibition, has been unable to cultivate a more twisted language in politics, thus new ways of understanding. He rightly noted Wittgenstein that the <x0 limit of our language is the boundaries of our world”. Therefore, in today's Kosovo policy, we have totally insignificant developments that record dung and painful scenes for citizens.
This highly-defining language policy has led many of the leaders of political parties to operate mainly in private spaces to increase their political power. For example, The PDK was made clear through “The Proto” the customer nature of the operation. In fact, though, our society needed no such evidence. Restriction of public language, narrowing the terrain of action, has resulted in very accurate prejudice among ruling politicians. Public institutions were used to boost party political power. New universities in larger cities opened despite any government's repeated failure to score significant steps in improving quality in higher education. Also, veterans' registration was drastically misused, doubling their number. Increased corruption in general is the result of a depletion public legalisation of these political parties and the consequence of a language that could not be released.
This left Kosovo with only one serious political party: Vetevendosje movement. She was the only one who, until now, has resisted the aggression of internationals. Ironically, while continuing to exercise this reduction and linguistic surveillance, the former American ambassador dared to say something vulgar like “don't screw up the work” by demonstrating its power in our public space.
Political party leaders, Exclude Kurti, were transformed into this aggressive policy. Their inadequacy in articulation also made it their own, no doubt. This caused our leaders to be unable to protect the country's interests, and this, there is no dilemma, is each party's great interest. Symptoms of this disease, or impossible, are viewed in the confusing way of protecting a case like demarcation by Prime Minister Haradinaj. Most of all, though, these symptoms are noted in the constant silence of a party that emerged from war, the various forms of defilement that came to war itself. None of the parties that were founded by former KLA fighters spoke about the issue of manipulations with veterans' lists. And it culminated with the ability to prevent a Special Court, which is obviously going to destroy the image of the KLA, and also the image of our state. A court that follows an ethnic line, dealing with Albanian crimes, in a war in which most victims belonged to this very ethnicity.
Our country's interests do not coincide with the interests of internationals. Neither of the EU nor of America. The Romantic feeling these countries feel poses a great danger to the welfare of even the mere existence of our state. The fact that Kosovo's role, rather than being strengthened, has only faded clearly shows that these countries are committed, and that's quite natural, just pushing their agendas forward.
Kosovo society must wake up from the slumber. She must realize that no one will protect her interests. Kosovo politicians must rid themselves of this discrostive invasion and expand the field of what they can speak, deepen the resonances, and open up new meaningful horizons. Pluralism does not function only through the legalisation of a political party, Vetevendosje, in our case. Kosovo needs a new release, this time languager, which changes the causes of many negative phenomena that occur in our society.
It is supreme to assume that the Special Court will clear the political scene. Until there is such a measure of submission, until ambassadors of friendly countries release the conference room during the speech of our presidents and prime ministers, as long as the quality of education in the country is so weak it cannot be expected to stop corruption. Unable to connect supporters to the shackles of ideas or legalisation, as the VV does in a measure, other parties will link supporters to the bonds of interest. And these interests will continue to harm the country's academic and institutional life. And on the other hand, Kosovo will be further weakened on the international level, becoming even more dependent on internationals.
Thaci's slightly resolved tongue shows distrust. Haradinaj and Wessel have already shown disbelief. And then there was Limaj who was acquitted, even though he was tried for almost a decade by Elux. But this conscious view of these politicians is not new. This discourse will not offer any container effect since all these politicians are consumed. In addition, the road to a new, politically regenerationd relationship has been transferred from Vetevendosje ten years ago. And it seems, there is no better discusion for all parties, than what the Kurt Movement has devised.